Tuesday, July 11, 2017

Meet the YIMBYs: Can tech bros change California’s housing policies?

Meet the YIMBYs: Can tech bros change California’s housing policies?

A group of tech execs are creating a lobbying group to promote development-oriented policies on the state level

Microsoft exec Nat Friedman and Pantheon CEO Zack Rosen
Watch out, NIMBYs: The YIMBYs are coming for you, and they know how to code.
A group of tech executives from the likes of Microsoft and Yelp are organizing a lobbying group to promote state policies that would increase development and housing growth.
Dubbed California YIMBY — for “yes in my backyard” — the organization and lobbying effort is headed by Microsoft executive Nat Friedman, Pantheon CEO Zack Rosen, and San Francisco housing activist Brian Hanlon, according to The Information.
“A combination of over-regulation by the state and the tech industry’s success has created the problem,” Rosen told the publication. “I feel there’s a real onus on us to lead.”
So far, they’ve raised $500,000. The goal is to convince state lawmakers to pen bills that would increase density, limit the power of CEQA, ease property tax restrictions, minimize linkage fees, and reduce zoning limitations near transit hubs.
The lobbying portion will be a 501(c)(4) that won’t have to disclose donors.
While an average of 200,000 new homes were built in California each year between 1955 and 1990, the past decade has seen a dramatic decline in new homes, with each year averaging 80,000, according to the state’s Department of Housing and Community Development.
California YIMBY isn’t the first time tech moguls have taken on housing politics. Google and Salesforce donated $300 million to reduce family homelessness, and both Google and Facebook plan to build housing on their campuses for low-income residents in addition to their employees.
But California YIMBY, it seems, could be the first concerted effort for techies to influence state policy on a large scale.
Critics have already come out of the woodwork, however. They argue that the YIMBY’s proposed changes will only benefit developers and not the current tenants of affordable housing units.
“The losers in this deregulation agenda will be the working class and lower-income communities of color in these hot markets,” said Peter Cohen, co-director of the Council of Community Housing Organizations. “The tech industry jumping into the housing situation is a self-interested political calculation.” [The Information] — Cathaleen Chen  See more HERE


Monday, July 10, 2017

The Corrupt "Public-Private" Partnership that wants to control BILLIONS in SF BAY Real Estate



MTC-ABAG- Committee for Housing the Bay Area (CASA)- Jun 28, 2017 - 375 Beale Street S.F.

AGENDA: Future Meeting Schedule & Biography of CASA Members

Leaving California? After slowing, the trend intensifies

Leaving California? After slowing, the trend intensifies






By JOEL KOTKIN and WENDELL COX |
PUBLISHED: April 24, 2017 at 5:34 am | UPDATED: April 24, 2017 at 11:58 am


Given its iconic hold on the American imagination, the idea that more Americans are leaving California than coming breaches our own sense of uniqueness and promise. Yet, even as the economy has recovered, notably in the Bay Area and in pockets along the coast, the latest U.S. Census Bureau estimates show that domestic migrants continue to leave the state more rapidly than they enter it.

First, the good news. People may be leaving California, but, overall, the rate of leaving is about three-quarters less than that experienced in the first decade of the millennium. In the core, booming San Francisco metropolitan area, there was even a shift toward net domestic migration after 2010, something rarely seen since the 1980s.

Outmigration dropped with the initial economic slowdown of the last recession, particularly as housing prices in some areas, notably the Inland Empire and the Sacramento area, drifted toward the national norm of three times incomes by 2010, having been twice that high or more in the boom times. The initial recovery after 2010 may also have encouraged people to stay as well.
The San Francisco Bay Area lost more than 600,000 net domestic migrants between 2000 and 2009 before experiencing a five-year respite. Now, sadly, the story seems to be changing again. Housing prices, first in the Bay Area and later in other metropolitan areas, have surged mightily, and are now as high as over nine times household incomes. In 2016, some 26,000 more people left the Bay Area than arrived. San Francisco net migration went from a high of 16,000 positive in 2013 to 12,000 negative three years later.

Similar patterns have occurred across the state. Between 2010 and 2015, California had cut its average annual migration losses annually from 160,000 to 50,000, but that number surged last year to nearly 110,000. Losses in the Los Angeles-Orange County area have gone from 42,000 in 2011 to 88,000 this year. San Diego, where domestic migration turned positive in 2011 and 2012, is now losing around 8,000 net migrants annually.

The major exceptions to this trend can be found in the somewhat more affordable interior regions. Sacramento has gained net migration from barely 1,800 in 2011 to 12,000 last year. Even some still-struggling areas, like Modesto and Stockton, have seen some demographic resurgence as people move farther from the high-priced Bay Area.

CALIFORNIA AND THE NEW DEMOGRAPHIC REALITY


The movement away from expensive core regions reflects the basic preference among people for affordable, less dense housing. The new Census estimates have confirmed this national trend. Migration to both suburbs and smaller cities — and away from dense core counties — is now at the highest rate in a decade.

Population growth in big urban core cities, including New York, is now about half of what it was back in 2010. Last year, all 10 of the top gainers in domestic migration were sprawling, more affordable Sun Belt metropolitan areas in states like Texas, North Carolina, Florida and Tennessee.

These dispersive trends are clear in Southern California, where net migration out of Los Angeles County runs about four times the rate of neighboring, more suburban Orange County, as migration to places like Riverside County mounts. Despite all the national hype surrounding L.A.’s drive for densification, it’s not a model that most people, and particularly families, seem to be embracing.


CALIFORNIA’S CHOICE


The apparent growing appetite for suburban living presents a unique challenge to California. The state policy is aggressively anti-suburban, placing ever-higher hurdles on any development on the periphery. This, over time, is slowing construction in the interior and forcing housing prices unnaturally up, even in these areas.

Some so-called progressives hail these trends, as forcing what they seem to see as less desirable elements — that is, working- and middle-class people — out of the state. They allege that this is balanced out by a surge of highly educated workers coming to California. Essentially, the model is that of a gated community, with a convenient servant base nearby.

Yet, in reality, this may prove to be wishful thinking. A dive into Internal Revenue Service data shows distinctly that, while poor people are, indeed, leaving, the largest group of outmigrants tends to be middle-aged people making between $100,000 and $200,000 annually. They may not be ideal algorithm creators for Facebook, but they do constitute the solid middle ranks critical to any healthy economy.

Indeed, since 2010, the Golden State has seen an overall net outflow of $36 billion from these migrants (and that counts only the first year of income). The biggest gainers from this exchange are where Californians are moving, to such places as Texas, Arizona and Nevada. That some California employers are joining them in the same places should be something of a two-minute warning for state officials.

But California leaders have other things on their minds that do not include accommodating the aspirations of residents who refuse to abandon suburban homes, or who are unwilling to desert their cars for the pleasures of mass transit. Until Californians demand a government that reflects their aspirations, too many people will continue to have to seek their futures elsewhere, to the detriment to those who remain behind.

Joel Kotkin is the R.C. Hobbs Presidential Fellow in Urban Futures at Chapman University in Orange and executive director of the Houston-based Center for Opportunity Urbanism (www.opportunityurbanism.org). Wendell Cox is principal of Demographia, a St. Louis-based public policy firm, and was appointed to three terms on the Los Angeles County Transportation Commission.

Antifa cheers Hitler and Hitler responds

Saturday, July 8, 2017

SF residents are the only casualties in ‘war on cars’

SF residents are the only casualties in ‘war on cars’

San Francisco wants people to get out of their own cars and into ones that are being driven for profit. (Jessica Christian/S.F. Examiner)
By Sally Stephens on July 2, 2017 1:00 am



San Francisco is a transit-first city. Those of us who live here are told we should use Muni to get around. Or ride a bike. Or walk. But above all else, we should not drive our cars.

To reinforce this, city policy makes it easy to remove existing parking spaces — turning curbside parking spots into parklets — and explicitly prevents new developments from providing a parking space for every unit built. Some have called this a “war on cars.”

If you look at the San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency’s Strategic Plan, however, it turns out that “transit first” includes prioritizing ride-hail vehicles. In essence, The City wants people to get out of their own cars and into other people’s.

There’s no war on cars in San Francisco if the cars are being driven for profit. Those are welcome here — even if the drivers don’t live here, don’t pay taxes here and, often, don’t even know how to get from one place to another in The City.

No, the war on cars is aimed at San Francisco residents.

A recent report released by the San Francisco County Transportation Authority showed that cars from ride-hail companies Uber and Lyft make more than 170,000 trips — driving more than half a million miles — within The City every weekday. Nearly 6,000 ride-hail cars clog the streets during peak commute hours.

Clearly, Uber and Lyft don’t reduce traffic congestion and, indeed, may actually make it worse. Especially considering the fact that thousands of ride-hail drivers live elsewhere and commute long distances into The City to drive because they can make more money here. Without the ride-hail industry, those cars would not be on our streets.

When they drop off a fare, most drivers simply circle the block until they get a new rider. Or they pull over and idle while checking their smartphones, exacerbating other drivers’ searches for empty parking spots. When you add in the time circling, idling and then driving to pick up new fares, ride-hail vehicles would seem to create more pollution than the car of someone who “simply” drives his or her own car from home to a parking garage near their destination, especially if the car is an environmentally friendly hybrid.

A number of studies indicate that ride-hail companies are taking riders away from mass transit agencies like Muni and BART, not taking people out of their own cars. For example, BART attributes a decrease in ridership to both the San Francisco and Oakland airports to former riders now using Uber and Lyft.

Ride-hail use in San Francisco is concentrated in the downtown and South of Market areas. That’s also where mass transit is concentrated, and thousands of ride-hail cars on the same streets can only make it even harder for buses to stay on schedule.

Plus, newer buses and trains have fewer seats. You can cram more people in during rush hour if they’re standing, not sitting. Standing on a bus is not a problem when you’re in your 20s or 30s, but for seniors or parents with young children, it is not always a good option.

In addition, it’s hard to carry several grocery bags — or a diaper bag, toys and a stroller — on Muni. It’s not always easy for seniors to walk several blocks uphill to the nearest bus stop. Discouraging personal car use makes The City less friendly and less accessible for many families and seniors.

For people with a lot of disposable income, or expense accounts they can charge, ride-hail companies may be a reasonable way to get around. But for seniors on fixed incomes or people who are less well-off, Uber and Lyft are simply too expensive for regular use.

At least taxis have to pay a permit fee to operate in The City, and they can’t change their pricing on a whim. Ride-hail vehicles pay nothing to San Francisco and, with surge pricing, can cost you a lot more than a cab.

San Francisco’s “war on cars” targets residents to give up their cars, while allowing — even encouraging — people from out of town to drive all over our city, as long as they’re doing it for money.

Sally Stephens is an animal, park and neighborhood activist who lives in the West of Twin Peaks area.

Tucker Carlson throws "Red Meat" to Marin County haters



Completely wrong and misinformed on many levels. I am a Marin county resident and while I acknowledge that we have lots of liberal hypocrisy, this issue isnt one of them. Marin County is a suburban county and should have affordable housing density similar to our suburban county neighbors of Sonoma and Napa counties. The previous requirement is that we build urban densities of 30 units per acre like San Francisco. This law corrects that mistake. Unfortunately, the writers fell prey of the spin by the pro affordable housing crowd that wants to urbanize Marin.

Texas Citizen Journalist Unlawfully Removed by State Rep for Legally Filming

Friday, July 7, 2017

The Myth of White Privilege and the Hypocrisy of the Left.




Is "reparations" for past wrongs, just and morally defensible?  Dinesh D'Souza takes on the argument.

Editor's note: We welcome respectful comments on this video.  

Damon Connolly on the Silveira Ranch settlement

Marin Voice: Silveira Ranch settlement advances conservation

By Damon Connolly and Don Dickenson





Marin County recently settled with the Silveira family concerning their 340-acre ranch alongside Highway 101 in San Rafael. This iconic parcel physically separates Novato and San Rafael with a scenic mix of grasslands, valley oaks and tideland habitats associated with the Miller Creek estuary.

The settlement prohibits development of the ranch for at least the next 10 years — and it could pave the way for permanent preservation.

We thank the Silveira family for their willingness to achieve a result that will benefit the entire community.

The settlement ends the risk of litigation against the county related to the 2007 Countywide Plan.

A history lesson on the land is necessary here for context.

In 1967, the Silveira family entered into a Williamson Act contract with the county, meaning the land was limited to agricultural use and would be taxed at a lower rate. The 1973 Marin Countywide Plan effectively designated the Silveira lands to be considered for urban development upon their annexation to the city of San Rafael. Due to this new designation, the property wasn’t renewed for its Williamson Act contract, and it resulted in a significant tax increase for the Silveira family.

Contemplating eventual annexation, the city amended its General Plan to designate the Silveira and St. Vincent’s properties as “mixed use,” allowing for 2,100 homes, 100,000 square feet of commercial space and 261,000 square feet of office space. This designation drastically upped the value of the lands, and further increased its tax burden.

In 2003, the San Rafael City Council changed its outlook regarding development of the St. Vincent’s and Silveira properties and decided not to annex the Silveira ranch, effectively abandoning its plans for urban development on the properties. Subsequently, planning responsibility for them returned to the county and the 2007 Countywide Plan reduced the development potential of both properties to a maximum of 221 homes. This decreased the value of the lands — and was the basis of a possible legal challenge by the Silveira family.

The county weighed the cost of prolonged litigation, the community’s interest in protecting the land from development and the myriad issues stemming from the realities of affixing a price tag on potentially permanent protection from development.

In exchange for a full release and Williamson Act protection, the county will pay approximately $2.6 million in unpaid property taxes and related penalties and interest in the settlement.

The settlement removes the final legal threat to the inclusion of these properties in the Baylands Corridor and the strong environmental and resource protection policies contained in the Countywide Plan.

The settlement puts the land back into the Williamson Act for a minimum of 10 years. The 10-year term of the Williamson Act contract automatically renews each year unless either the property owner or the county gives notice of non-renewal.

This is all great news, but our work is not done. The authors’ objective is to work with the Silveira family and the community to permanently protect the treasured Silveira ranch, either through acquisition or a conservation easement. This would preserve the open countryside and safeguard the agricultural and cultural legacies that exist in the area for future generations.
See Full Article




Editor's Note: While conservation is a laudable goal, restoration of the Silveira property rights is vital. Glad to see that a reasonable solution has been found but the next stage is how future developments or conservation happens. As a Marinwood resident, I'd rather see modest developments on the Silveira property than the wholesale redevelopment of the "Marinwood Priority Area" (all neighborhoods East of Las Gallinas) proposed by Susan Adams and Judy Arnold. Their vision of growth will mean the destruction of single family homes to be replaced withhigh density housing. With new housing laws likely to be enacted in Sacramento, there will be little we will able to do against developers who want to exploit our neighborhood.

Thursday, July 6, 2017

Our government spied on 3.3 million phone calls with a single wiretap order — and got zero convictions

Our government spied on 3.3 million phone calls with a single wiretap order — and got zero convictions


Last year, federal and state judges authorized 3,168 wiretaps “permitting wire, oral, or electronic surveillance,” according to a report from the federal courts system. That may not seem like such a big number — after all, there are more than 300 million people in this country, so one wiretap per every 1,000 people or so isn’t bad, right?

It seems reasonable until you find out what a single wiretap order can entail. The single largest federal order in 2016, the report notes, “occurred during a narcotics investigation in the Middle District of Pennsylvania and resulted in the interception of 3,292,385 cell phone conversations or messages over 60 days.”

So for two months, federal law enforcement listened to millions of Pennsylvanians’ phone calls in an incredibly invasive effort to prosecute the ineffective, expensive, inhumane, failure that is our war on drugs. Even if we allowed that fighting the drug war is a good idea (it’s not), there’s no way this didn’t infringe on the privacy of innocents.

But it gets worse! As the International Business Times reports, all that spying from this absurd sprawl of a wiretap has yet to produce a conviction:

The order was signed to help the authorities track 26 individuals suspected of illegal drug trafficking and narcotics-related activities in Pennsylvania. However, the investigation cost $335,000 to the taxpayer and led only to a dozen arrests. The surveillance effort neither captured any intercepts nor did it bring anyone to trial or convicted. Other details about the wiretapping are not available since the court records have been sealed.

Needless to say, this debacle has raised concerns among privacy advocates.

The feds “spent a fortune tracking 26 people and recording three million conversations and apparently got nothing,” Albert Gidari, a privacy expert at Stanford Law School, told ZDNet. “I’m not surprised by the results,” he added, “because on average, a very very low percentage of conversations are incriminating, and a very very low percent results in conviction.”

To be clear, this wiretap (and the other 3,167 like it) isn’t in the same category as the sort of illegal, warrantless mass surveillance Edward Snowden exposed. But that doesn’t mean this is okay.


Following due process is necessary for fair, accountable, and constitutional law enforcement, but it is hardly alone sufficient. (For example, how can an order this huge can possibly fit the Fourth Amendment’s particularity requirement?)

As Snowden himself has put it, “we should always make a distinction that right and wrong is a very different standard than legal and illegal.”