Showing posts with label sb 35. Show all posts
Showing posts with label sb 35. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 17, 2017

Blatantly Pro-Gentrification SB 35 Sneaks Through California Legislature

Blatantly Pro-Gentrification SB 35 Sneaks Through California Legislature

In late September, California Governor Jerry Brown signed a series of state-level laws related to housing. One of these, Senate Bill (SB) 35, is blatantly pro-gentrification, pro-displacement, pro-developer profits, and anti-local democratic control.
Though this measure is not the end of the world, as it is just an extension of the existing, skewed balance of power that characterizes development at the local level, it represents yet another blow to historically marginalized communities fighting against the rampant displacement caused by gentrification and rising rents.
SB 35 mandates that certain residential development proposals be granted “by-right” approval, meaning they cannot be subjected to environmental review or public hearings of any kind — exactly the tools local residents use to exercise some basic measure of democratic control over what is built in their neighborhoods. Subscribing to the wishful idea that profit-driven housing construction will “trickle down” to low-income residents, this bill is designed explicitly to speed up the construction of new buildings, regardless of what local community members want.
To be fair, within the legislation there are some important limits. Projects can only qualify if they adhere to existing zoning codes and do not destroy any rent-controlled units (although there is nothing in the legislation that protects against the indirect displacement caused by rising rents). Furthermore, in certain cities where market-rate construction is booming, including Los Angeles, qualifying projects must include 50% “affordable” units. This, the L.A. Times assures us, will ensure that SB 35 will bea win for low-income residents.
But there’s a catch: “affordable” for L.A. is defined as a household of four earning under $72,100 a year — double or even quadruple the average income in rapidly gentrifying areas like Crenshaw, Leimert Park, or Boyle Heights! This means that a project that is half market-rate, half “affordable,” will be automatically approved, with no chance for local residents to voice their objections to the inevitable displacement that will result, even when what’s deemed “affordable” is radically unaffordable for a neighborhood’s current residents.
The reasoning behind this bill, which we see all over the place in the debates on housing in California, buys into the deeply flawed, outdated demonization of local opposition to development that John Perry identified in his recent essay, “Stop Saying ‘NIMBY.’” Proponents of this viewpoint (the YIMBYs) try to paint any and all local struggles that oppose new construction as the modern equivalents of the white-dominated “slow-growth” movement, prominent in California in the 1970s-1990s, that sought to keep wealthy white communities segregated by race and class. But the urban landscape has changed, with capital now flooding to the previously red-lined central cities, rather than the suburbs. Today, those opposing unbridled, profit-driven development are often low-income people of color seeking to maintain some basic sense of community and habitability in the face of capitalist displacement. SB 35 willfully ignores this basic truth.
It’s clear that this law is not intended to help low-income communities of color, but profit-seeking developers and investors that want to build as they please. Just look at who supported the bill: the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce; various landlord/property owner groups, including the California Apartment Association; and L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti (“totally in the developers’ pockets,” according to Hollywood historian Greg Williams)

Monday, September 11, 2017

Taxes are going up if the Housing Package is approved. Will Levine support Marin?

It's vital that you call or email Marc Levine's office to tell him to oppose SB2, SB3 and SB35 (the latter removes local control).
The impact of Senate Bill 2's innocuous $75 fee varies depending on the situation, but what appears to be a small rise is not small at all - it is very significant, and it hits those who can least afford it:
- Senior Spouses Recording Documents After the Loss of a Spouse: (Increase from $36 to $261)
- Low Wage Contractors, Laborers, Suppliers, and Employees Recording Mechanics Liens Seeking Reimbursement: (Increase from $26 to $176)
- Low-Income Homeowners Refinancing Their Loans: (Increase from $102 - $327)
- Struggling Homeowners Modifying Their Loans to Avoid Foreclosure: (Increase from $43 to $268)
- Struggling Homeowners Redeeming Their Delinquent Loan Just Prior to Foreclosure: (Increase from $56 to $375 or more)
- Custodial Parents Recording Child Support Liens Seeking Delinquent Child Support: (Increase from $13 to $88)
CONTACT:
Marc Levine's chief off staff, Minnie Santiallan:
Minnie.Santillan@asm.ca.gov
(916) 319-2010
Speak to any staff member and tell them Marc needs to vote against all three senate bills in the "housing package".

Assemblyman Marc Levine

Thursday, August 24, 2017

Senate Bill 35 passing within a week may start unbridled rapid growth in Marinwood

Senate Bill 35 passing within a week may start unbridled rapid growth







Big developments may be coming to Marinwood/Lucas Valley soon if SB 35 passes.



Wanted to alert folks to SF State Senator Wiener's Senate Bill 35 - the innocuously named "Housing Accountability and Affordability Act" - is likely to be enacted within a week. This has potentially radical consequences: - development in all qualifying cities and counties is now "streamlined"-all objections by residents, city council and planning commission are officially bypassed and effectively local control is over-ruled - this applies to all cities with over 2,500 residents AND... - cities that do not build enough affordable housing in each category of "affordable" incomes, few if any cities in our region achieve this. This moves the goalposts away from simply the city have a plan allowing enough units to be built to actually delivering permits allowing building to occur. 


Many cities in the Bay Area have raised objections to this Senate Bill which ostensibly seeks laudable goals of addressing the shortage of affordable housing statewide.
State Senator Mike McGuire nails it by saying: "“Completely taking out the public’s role in this approval process is a mistake,” said Sen. Mike McGuire, a Democrat who represents Marin in the Senate. “I do feel that if the public is never involved in the approval process, that pendulum has swung maybe too far in one direction.”" 

The bill has already passed the state assembly 17 - 5. It only needs to now pass the senate and is on the docket to do so this week, The implications are far reaching: - developers previously hesitant to build will now find all local considerations inhibiting development removed - to qualify new apartment blocks must have no more than one parking space per unit (creating parking over flow issues), it is presumed this will coerce or prevent new residents owning more than one car, which seems unrealistic. - affordable apartment units typically contribute about ~5% per unit to property taxes compared to a single family home owner; so when large numbers of affordable units are added this serves to put further upward pressure on local taxes and services (some of this I agree is acceptable, but SB35 may lead to excessive building and pressure) - only 10% or the minimum prevailing threshold of affordable units need be built (so most new units will be market rate). - units will most likely be taken by well paid SF and peninsular workers who will add to traffic congestion on 101. - building unions have secured wording requiring payment of union wages for buildings of over 75 units in larger cities. With this wording included they have applied pressure for this bill to pass.

Bottom line - where previously local oversight would limit or prevent developers building in flood planes, areas blocking views, causing traffic or parking issues, being built in polluted areas, being overly high or too many units you as a resident will not be able to go to anyone to raise concerns: the mayors, city councilors, supervisors, planning commission will all be powerless. 

You can read the bill text here: 
https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35 I post this on Nextdoor as few know about this Senate Bill and it's far reaching consequences.
What can you do?

Take these ACTION STEPS Re: SB 35

  1. Call Assembly Marc Levine's office and urge him to vote NO on SB35.  Phone: 916-319-2010 in Sacramento or in Marin at 415-479-4920; or email to: assemblymember.levine@assembly.ca.gov.  Send a cc to Gov. Jerry Brown at governor@governor.ca.gov.
  2. State Senator Mike McGuire has taken a public stance opposed to SB35. Call to say thanks.  Phone: 916-651-4002 in Sacramento or Marin at 415-479-6612. Or email thanks to: senator.mcguire@senate.ca.gov with a cc to Gov. Brown.
  3. Call Governor Jerry Brown's office. Ask that he veto Senate Bill 35 if/when it comes to his desk. Phone: 916-445-2841.
  4. Post info about SB35 on NextDoor.
  5. Forward this post to friends around the state. Urge them to contact their state Senator to vote no on this affront to the public's right to know and determine their own future.

This may be the last time you can voice any concern to a mid rise apartment block going up in your neighborhood. 

Did anyone notice how we, the residents and taxpayers, are the last to know about this?

Tuesday, August 22, 2017

Lawmaker’s proposal to extend ‘urban’ zoning in Marin


Dick Spotswood: Lawmaker’s proposal to extend ‘urban’ zoning in Marin

POSTED: 08/22/17, 10:36 AM PDT | UPDATED: 2 HRS AGO11 COMMENTS




“No man’s life, liberty or property is safe while the Legislature is in session.” New York newspaper editor Gideon J. Tucker is as correct today as when he wrote the quip in 1866.

The latest example of legislative perfidy is Senate Bill 35 by Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco. Its negative impact on Marin, unless altered, is hard to exaggerate.

Frustrated by Marin Assemblyman Marc Levine’s successful effort to define most Marin communities as “suburban” instead of the preposterous state designation of “urban,” Wiener reached in classic bureaucratic fashion by changing definition

SB 35 uses an entirely different geographical term to define communities subject to fast-track, by-right rules fostering high-density housing.

Instead of applying the rules to “urban” communities, Wiener’s criteria is that if even a village is an “urban cluster,” then rules encouraging big-time development without pesky environmental review are applied.

Basically any community outside a county crossroad is an “urban cluster” for the purposes of SB 35 and state housing mandates.

The Census Bureau indicates “an Urban Cluster is a new statistical geographic term ... consisting of a central core and adjacent densely settled territory that together contains between 2,500 and 49,999 people. Typically, the overall population density is at least 1,000 people per square mile. Urban Clusters are based on Census block and block group density and do not coincide with official municipal boundaries.”

Under this definition most of Marin east of Olema and Bolinas is in “urban clusters.” Travel to that bustling “urban cluster” of Woodacre and the stupidity of using this obscure census term to define housing rules is apparent.

It wouldn’t be as bad if Wiener’s San Francisco wasn’t hypocritical when it comes to addressing the so-called “housing crisis.”

High-rise condos and apartments belong in job centers like San Francisco with comprehensive public transit networks.
To see a model city providing high-density housing, much transit and high quality of life, visit Vancouver, British Columbia.

If San Francisco was as committed to housing as it self-righteously claims, it would resemble the forest of high-rises that dominate western Canada’s metropolis. Then the Sunset District’s Taraval Street would be lined with 10-story apartment houses. The untouchable corners of Castro and Market served by four subway-light-rail lines and three bus routes would see 25-story housing towers on each of its five corners.

Even Telegraph Hill could follow another Pacific city that Wiener might emulate: Hong Kong, with high-rises running up the slopes of Victoria Peak.

If Sen. Wiener displays true political courage by suggesting Vancouver or Hong Kong-style development, his San Francisco constituents will see that he soon returns to the dreaded private sector.

North Bay legislators Levine, D-Greenbrae, and Sen. Mike McGuire, D-Healdsburg, should fight fire with fire. Submit an amendment to SB 35 mandating fast-tracking Vancouver-style high-rise residences as a matter of right in urban areas served by subways or three light-rail or bus routes.

That coincidentally defines Castro and Market and St. Francis Circle, next to posh St. Francis Wood, in the city’s fog belt. What’s good for Marin ought to be good for the city’s cherished people-scaled neighborhoods.

Note that SB 35 includes a requirement that for all housing built under its mandates: “The development proponent shall ensure that the prevailing wage requirement is included in all contracts for the performance of the work.”

“Prevailing wage” is legislative lingo for paying all covered workers union scale. Requiring affordable housing be erected exclusively by union workers will result in the units not being “affordable” without taxpayer subsidies.

Drop this political giveaway for state Democrats’ core labor constituency and much support for SB 35 evaporates.  See ARTICLE HERE

Monday, February 13, 2017

California’s housing crisis: It’s a matter of will (THIS is Marin's #1 Political Fight for 2017!)


California’s housing crisis: It’s a matter of will


By John Diaz, San Francisco ChronicleFebruary 10, 2017 Updated: February 11, 2017 12:48pm





In one sense, California’s housing crisis is a matter of simple math. This state was not building anywhere close to the number of homes that would be required to accommodate the addition of 300,000 residents a year over the past decade. Demand is greatly outstripping supply, and it’s only going to get worse with the anticipated population growth of 3.4 million by 2025.
.

So why isn’t that construction happening?

The causes are all political .

There are no inherently evil intentions in the people putting up these barriers. Californians who are fortunate enough to own a home in a comfortable community don’t want to disrupt their good life with newcomers clogging roads, overcrowding schools or overrunning their parks. They worry about the impact of property values.


Taxpayer groups don’t want to subsidize affordable housing. Politicians want to require below-market housing mandates that may or may not have any correlation with a development’s economic viability. Unions demand that any government-promoted housing must require union-level wages. Environmentalists and neighborhood groups want to reserve the right to challenge developments even if they fit within zoning guidelines. No city wants to be told how much it must contribute to the greater good of making its region or its state more affordable.

But add up each of those forces — and the clout that each brings to bear — and it’s clear to see why not enough building is getting done.

So the question arises: Do we have the collective will to change that dynamic, when it results in the nation’s highest poverty rate, our children unable to settle down near us and businesses struggling to recruit and retain workers in a transient economy?

So far, the answer has been no.

Just ask Gov. Jerry Brown, who last year pushed the not-so-radical notion that proposed residential projects that fully complied with local zoning and set aside at list 5 percent of their units for below-market sales should be put on a fast track. Opposition came from various quarters — tenant groups, environmentalists, the League of California Cities — but the true death blow came from the construction trades, which the Legislature’s Democrats dare not cross. Their beef: They wanted any projects that got special treatment to be subject to the equivalent of union wages.

A “prevailing wage” clause is no small deal in construction. A 2005 UC Berkeley study found that such clauses added as much as 37 percent to the price of a unit. It concluded that such union-friendly pacts essentially subsidized construction workers at the expense of low-income buyers. Those requirements work in pricey San Francisco and parts of Los Angeles, but they make projects unattainable most everywhere else.

Brown’s “by-right” plan to streamline housing died last year.

Freshman state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, has come in with a scaled-down plan (SB35) to spur housing construction. It would put the first real teeth in a state process that identifies how much housing each city must provide at each income bracket: Those that are out of compliance would be forced to give fast-track approval to projects that fit their zoning rules.

Asked where he is getting opposition, Wiener said, “You get pushback from everyone.” He has tried to fend off union opposition — at the expense of home buyers — by including a prevailing wage provision.

So it goes in California.

The Legislature also is looking for ways to raise money to subsidize affordable housing, though that is a futile chase:. At an average subsidy of $300,000 a unit statewide — much more in the coastal areas — it would take tens of billions to even come close to meeting the demand. Another fallacy, especially prevalent among San Francisco progressives: The focus should be limited to affordable housing. This crisis is the result of shortages at all price levels.

Gabriel Metcalf, CEO of SPUR, a San Francisco urban planning think tank, said he is struck by the “self righteousness that good liberal Democrats can have” in stopping new housing — and their failure to see the contradiction with their expressed concern for the underclass. “There needs to be a call to (homeowners’) moral conscience to care about other people who do need housing,” he said.

We all need to compromise to preserve the California Dream.

That awakening needs to reach the state Capitol, and city halls everywhere.



John Diaz is The San Francisco Chronicle’s editorial page editor. Email: jdiaz@fchronicle.comTwitter: @JohnDiazChron





What’s in the way? Plenty

Among the many factors why housing is so difficult to build in California:



City



resistance







Each local government is required to create a “housing element” that spells out how it will meet the housing needs at all income levels. But those are goals, not mandates, and many cities don’t bother to follow them.



CEQA





The California Environmental Quality Act can provide a powerful legal tool to stop development — even when the issues being raised against a project have nothing to do with environmental preservation. Competitors, unions and residents who simply don’t like a project have exploited the 45-year-old law to stop housing.



NIMBYs





An “I’ve got mine” mind-set prevails in many affluent areas that are loath to allow newcomers, especially of lesser means, to change the demographics of a neighborhood or city.



Revolving



rules







One of developers’ biggest complaints is the lack of certainty in the planning process, especially in cites such as San Francisco that give opponents multiple chances to slow or stop a project even when it adheres to all the zoning requirements. Delays can add greatly to the cost of each housing unit.



Unrealistic



targets







When politics, not data, drives a city’s affordable housing requirement ... the result can be that projects don’t pencil out. Exhibit A: San Francisco voted in June to double the portion of below-market housing to 25 percent in major projects, a figure the city controller later calculated to be too high.