A blog about Marinwood-Lucas Valley and the Marin Housing Element, politics, economics and social policy. The MOST DANGEROUS BLOG in Marinwood-Lucas Valley.
Saturday, August 13, 2016
Last Week Tonight with John Oliver: Journalism
The newspaper industry is suffering. That’s bad news for journalists — both real and fictional.
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Friday, August 12, 2016
Chalk a Sidewalk, Go to Jail
Chalk a Sidewalk, Go to Jail
MAP: Across the nation, police are arresting adults and even citing kids for temporary drawings.
JOSH HARKINSONAUG. 14, 2012 6:01 AM
Cuff 'em! Flash200/Flickr
"I draws what I like and I like what I drew!" sings Bert, the affable sidewalk artist in Disney's Mary Poppins. He doesn't know how easy he's got it. If Bert lived in one of a dozen American cities, his colorful chalk drawings of boats and circus animals could very well land him in jail.
Take the recent example of Susan Mortensen, 29-year-old mom in Richmond, Virginia. In March, Mortensen was arrested for allowing her four-year-old daughter to draw on rocks at a local park with sidewalk chalk. This month a judge sentenced her to 50 hours of community service helping to strip and repaint 200 boundary posts on a bridge. Mortensen told a local TV station that her daughter is now "very nervous around cops" and "very scared of chalk."
That's not all. One week ago in Doylestown, Pennsylvania, police cited two teenagers for decorating a street with chalk renditions of a whale and a sea turtle. The kids must now appear in court and pay a fine to be determined by a district judge. James Donnelly, Doylestown's police chief, told a local newspaper that the chalking was "an attempt at vandalism" that could lead to the use of more permanent materials.
Chalk. The gateway art supply.
These are not isolated incidents. Over the past five years, at least 50 people in 17 American cities have run afoul of authorities for coloring things with chalk. The vast majority were arrested in connection with drawing designs or messages on public streets or sidewalks. Those accused of chalk vandalism range from the "Chalking 8"—who were asking for trouble when they drew anti-cop slogans on the wall of the police station in Manchester, New Hampshire—to six-year-old Natalie Shea, who received a New York City graffiti warning that carries a possible $300 fine for marring her stoop in Brooklyn's Park Slope neighborhood with a blue chalk scribble. (A spokesperson for Crayola, the leading maker of sidewalk chalk, did not return a phone call seeking comment.)
The war on chalk's most active front as of late has been Los Angeles, where police have arrested numerous chalk-wielding Occupy LA members on vandalism charges. Last month, the occupiers fought back during the city's popular Art Walk by staging their own Chalk Walk, decorating walls and sidewalks with slogans such as "Arrest corrupt bankers, not chalkers" and "When chalking is a crime, only criminals will play hopscotch."
Here's a taste:
After the Chalk Walk in Los Angeles. Jason Neville/Twitter
Things took an ugly turn around 8:40 p.m. when the first chalker was arrested, and occupiers began throwing bottles at the police; some 140 riot cops moved in to make arrests. Four officers and several protesters were injured.
Two weeks later, art teacher Alexander Schaefer, best known for his oil paintings of burning banks, decided to stage a chalk protest of his own. On the sidewalk outside of a Chase branch in downtown LA, he chalked the word "Crooks" next to a rendering of the Chase logo. Watch what happens:
Schaefer's arrest was the 15th arrest this summer on chalk-related charges in LA, although the City Attorney's Office has pressed charges in only a couple of instances. A spokesman for the office, Frank Mateljan, pointed me to a 2000 California Court of Appeals ruling that found that vandalism by graffiti "does not require an element of permanence." I asked if this meant that children could be arrested for making hopscotch courses. "The children in your scenario would not be committing a misdemeanor because they have no malicious intent," Mateljan replied. "Therefore, they would not be arrested."
Schaefer's attorney, Tom Tosdal, argues that it's no more reasonable to arrest political chalkers. "In California, vandalism is maliciously defacing a property," he says, "and when you express a political or social idea, it's not malicious."
Occupy LA declared last Thursday Chalkupy The World Day, giving rise to chalk art protests in a dozen locations including New York, New Orleans, and Austin, where two people were arrested and two children reportedly burst into tears as their mom confronted the police.
A duck and a
In cases where chalking arrests have gone to court, however, some judges have sided with the chalkers. In 1992, Christopher Mackinney was arrested in Berkeley, Calif.,* for using chalk to write: "A police state is more expensive than a welfare state—we guarantee it!" He sued the department for false arrest, and the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that his case could move forward because no reasonable officer could have assumed that Mackinney violated the state's vandalism law.
More recently, in Florida, Occupy Orlando protester Timothy Osmar, who spent 18 days in jail for chalking, won a free speech case against the city and received $6,000 in damages. The case ended up costing the city $190,000 in legal fees—validation, perhaps, for Mackinney's claim that maintaining a police state can be rather expensive.
Thursday, August 11, 2016
NextDoor Marinwood Mayhem Part 2. "The Marinwood Free Speech Corner"
Paul Brunell from Lucas Valley/Marinwood18h ago
You can be sure your friendly neighborhood blogger is never going to chill out. As we speak this thread is being copied onto a public blog, in direct violation of a NextDoor Privacy policy. More … View more
Kate Wilson from Lucas Valley/Marinwood15h ago
Could we p l e a s e bring this topic to a close already. I mean getting literally dozens of emails is overkill. Thank you Leigh for waking all of us up to the need for these improvements. We all need to realize the world doesn't revolve around any of us
Kate Wilson from Lucas Valley/Marinwood15h ago
Hi Leigh. I met you & your darling daughter in the shoe department of Macy's. I lost contact with you. I'd love to reconnect. Kate Wilson, Lucas Valley
Alicia Hairston from Lucas Valley/Marinwood10h ago
Someone washed the chalk off and wrote "censorship at its finest" if nothing else my kids and I had a good long talk around this subject. I was expelled from Terra Linda High for using chalk on the quad. Actually. It was a Necco valentines Heart candy. . . But I was using it like chalk. It changed my life for the better. So I never protested it. Nor did I realize at that time that I could (1998).
Chalk washes away. But what you write with it. Doesn't necessarily do the same.
Chalk washes away. But what you write with it. Doesn't necessarily do the same.
Paul Brunell from Lucas Valley/Marinwood10h ago
I like the candy idea...
Maybe people should just draw art, instead of writing dumb sayings and making it about themselves. Somehow this went from a conversation about whether it's ok to insult the construction workers to being about censorship? Oh wait, I know how that happens. A blogger with no moral fabric.
Editor's Note: It appears that the "Lords of Intolerance" have struck back and petitioned Nextdoor to remove me permanently from receiving the newsfeed. It was bad enough this Spring,when NextDoor neighborhood Troll, Paul Brunnell wrote thirty posts attacking me in 48 hours after I had the timerity to suggest that the dog leash law should be overturned. The "Guardian of Public Decency" Bruce Anderson, neighborhood lead, disabled my account because I responded to Paul by calling him an "insufferable boar". Paul, the pillock, has been trolling me privately, online and verbally ever since so I am sure he will be thrilled to know he scored a "victory". Of course, there are others who will be thrilled to know too. For the rest of us, who behave like civil adults, I can assure you that free speech is not dead.
Savemarinwood.org will continue to be the "Most Dangerous Blog in Lucas Valley".
Where Sidewalk Chalk Laws Clash With Free Speech
Where Sidewalk Chalk Laws Clash With Free Speech
A federal court has ruled that a Las Vegas ban on street chalking can’t be enforced selectively. Across the country, there’s more at stake than hopscotch.
- BRENTIN MOCK
- @brentinmock
- May 12, 2015
- Comments
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Up until two weeks ago, you could verbally lambaste police from the sidewalks of Las Vegas, but you couldn’t write those same words down in chalk on those same sidewalks without the possibility of getting arrested. That’s what happened to Brian Ballentine and Kelly Patterson in August 2013, when Las Vegas police charged them with vandalism for chalking critical messages about law enforcement on the sidewalk in front of a police station. The two are members of an Occupy offshoot called the Sunset Activist Collective, and had been chalking messages about police misconduct around Las Vegas since 2011.
Two weeks ago, a federal trial court judge ruled partially in Ballentine’s and Patterson’s favor, agreeing with the activists that Nevada’s anti-vandalism law is unconstitutional—if it’s only applied when the city or state doesn’t like what’s scribbled. The activists’ lawyers argued that Vegas police have no problem allowing chalked words on sidewalks by playful kids. Or when the content doesn't criticize cops.
Chalked messages have the shelf-life of a Snapchat. They can be washed away at little cost to anyone. But if police are enforcing the law selectively, that’s a problem.First Amendment-rights professor Eugene Volokh wrote in his Washington Postblog Monday that the federal court decision struck him as “quite right.” Three years ago, Volokh had a slightly different opinion: In July 2012, Occupy activists were arrested in Los Angeles after a scuffle with police that was reportedly over a city crackdown on sidewalk-chalk protests. Volokh told a local radio station that the city was in the right, under California law, to do this.
"California law says that any person who maliciously, with respect to any real or personal property not his or her own, defaces it with inscribed material, is guilty of a crime," Volokh told the station—though he did allow that the selective enforcement probably happens because police “never get called with regard to somebody playing hopscotch on the sidewalk."
Unfortunately, that’s not true. Mother Jones created this map in 2012 of all thecities where chalk arrests have occurred; one in Richmond, Virginia, involved the arrest of a mother after her 4-year-old was found drawing images in chalk on rocks in a local park.
Some courts have protected street-chalking bans even in cases where free speech was at issue: In the nation’s capital, a D.C. Court of Appeals determined that local police were correct to enforce a ban on a 2008 “chalk demonstration” that activists wanted to hold in protest of President Obama’s position on abortion. They wanted to chalk those frustrations down on the sidewalk in front of the White House, but the police confiscated their materials. So the protestors sued the city. The D.C. appeals court rejected their claim, though, stating that the city’s defacement statute holds zero tolerance for any kind of graffiti—especially not at the White House, which has a substantial “interest in controlling the aesthetic appearance of the street in front of” it. Reads the defacement law:
It shall be unlawful for any person or persons willfully and wantonly to disfigure, cut, chip, or cover, rub with, or otherwise place filth or excrement of any kind; to write, mark, or print obscene or indecent figures representing obscene or objects upon; to write, mark, draw, or paint, without the consent of the owner or proprietor thereof, or, in the case of public property, of the person having charge, custody, or control thereof, any word, sign, or figure upon: Any property, public or private, building, statue, monument, office, public passenger vehicle, mass transit equipment or facility, dwelling or structure of any kind… .
Whoever wrote the statute must never have seen what police horses leave behind on government streets and sidewalks, especially during protests. Indeed, Volokh points, in his May 11 blog, to an article from Hamline University law professor Marie Failinger that calls the government’s aesthetic rights defense basically a bunch of horse shit.
“[I]t is difficult to imagine a worse place to make an argument for aesthetic harm than a public sidewalk,” writes Failinger. “[T]he sidewalk is quite literally ‘beneath notice’: people walk on it and may not even notice a chalk drawing, unless it is a large or arresting installation.”
During a time when demonstrations against police have turned violent, as happened recently in Ferguson and Baltimore, governments would seem to have a compelling interest in supporting sidewalk-chalk protests. After all, it’s in large part due to residents being stripped of their voices in so many other ways that riots become a means of being heard.Venezuela Reaches the End of the Road to Serfdom
Nicolás Maduro’s workers’ paradise is literally enslaving its citizens.
Canada in most meaningful ways enjoys a more free-market economy than does the United States, which is why our friends at the Heritage Foundation rank it several steps higher on their economic-liberty index. Denmark has a very free-market economy, too, though it is ranked one step behind the United States; Iceland is ranked ahead of Japan and enjoys a dramatically more free economy than is the Western European norm, ranked at No. 20 as opposed to No. 75 France and No. 86 Italy.
The reasons for these disparities are pretty obvious: The Nordic countries have relatively high taxes and big welfare states, but they also have free trade, relatively liberal regulatory regimes, transparent and effective public institutions, etc. The United States gets dinged for crony capitalism and overly complex regulation. As Nima Sanandaji points out in these pages, four of the five Nordic countries have center-right governments, with the social democrats holding power only in Sweden. But even Sweden has undergone decades of reform in what would be understood in the United States as a generally conservative direction, as indeed did Canada a few decades ago.
Welfare states are welfare states and socialism is socialism, and, in spite of the Bernie Sanders gang and the Right’s talk-radio ranters, they are not the same thing. Welfare states use taxes and transfer payments to enable higher levels of consumption among certain groups, usually vulnerable ones: the poor, the sick, the elderly, children. Welfare states are not synonymous with big government: Singapore, for example, offers surprisingly generous housing and health-care benefits despite having a public sector that is (as measured by spending) about half the size of our own and a little more than a third the size of France’s. Switzerland has a fairly typical portfolio of welfare benefits (including a health-care system that is approximately what Obamacare was intended to look like, if Obamacare hadn’t been written and enacted by fools) with a public sector that is smaller than our own. You can view the data and make your own comparisons here.
RELATED: In Venezuela, Socialism Is Killing Venezuelans
Socialism, as I have written at some length, is a different beast entirely. Like the welfare state, it involves the public provision of non-public goods, but it achieves this in a different way. Rather than levying taxes and distributing checks or vouchers, the socialist government owns and operates the means of production, or, in the corporatist variant, puts the means of production under political discipline effectively indistinguishable from government ownership of them. The easiest example to illustrate the difference here is in American education: The Right advocates a welfare-state approach, with government funding education costs through taxes which are passed on to families with school-age children in the form of vouchers, which can be used at a variety of different kinds of institutions serving a variety of different kinds of needs; the Left, in contrast, advocates the truly socialist model, with government owning and operating the relevant economic assets (public schools) which function as a monopoly. The fact that you can send your children elsewhere does not make them less of a monopoly: Stop paying your school taxes and they’ll still send men with guns to your house to force the money out of you, to seize your home, or to cage you until you comply.
Violence is always at the end of the socialist enterprise, as the poor people of Venezuela are discovering. Our friends on the Left assured us for many years that Boss Hugo and his epigones in the regime of Nicolás Maduro were democratic socialists, not the mean Stalinist type, and the praises of that so-called democratic-socialist regime were sung by everyone from Democratic congressmen such as Chaka Fattah of Philadelphia to progressive celebrities such as Sean Penn.
The democratic socialists in Venezuela have just introduced slavery into their workers’ paradise.
The Chávistas, like Hillary Rodham Clinton and Donald Trump, believe that international trade isn’t the open and mutually beneficial exchange of goods and services between people operating in open international markets but a nefarious scheme in which domestic workers are exploited and ripped off by ruthless foreigners who want to . . . sell them useful and desirable goods at low prices. (Never mind that for the moment.) Like the “Buy American!” gang here and the juche-practicing Norks, the Chávistas advocate a form of autarky, a system under which a country produces what it needs and consumes what it produces with minimal international trade, under the theory that such international trade impoverishes people. (They have never heard of Singapore, Hong Kong, or the United Kingdom, apparently.) So the Chávez and Maduro regimes enacted various kinds of controls on foodstuffs and other essential goods that sought to control prices and restrict international trade. Soon, the shelves of the grocery stores were empty, and Venezuelans couldn’t even buy a roll of toilet paper.
The food shortage is especially severe right now, so the Maduro government has just passed a decree empowering itself to conscript workers — public-sector or private — into the state’s collectively run farming, food-processing, and food-distribution businesses. The pattern here will be familiar to those familiar with the history of socialism in Russia and China.
RELATED: The Facts about Venezuela
Faced with the obvious evidence, Jesse Singal of The New Yorker performs a whole Beethoven sonata of whistling past the graveyard: “It would be a bit of an oversimplification to blame the catastrophe only on socialism qua socialism. Rather . . . it’s Maduro’s particular brand of socialism, which fuses bad economic ideas with a distinctive brand of strongman bullying, and which was handed down to him by Venezuela’s deceased former president Hugo Chávez, that is largely to blame.”
That’s right: It’s not the socialism, it’s just that socialism has never been done right.
Weird thing: That feckless and authoritarian kind of socialism is the only kind of socialism anybody has ever seen or heard of outside of a college dorm room. Either socialism is the unluckiest political idea in the history of political ideas and it just happens to have coincided with government by monsters, caudillos, and incompetents every place it has been tried, or there is in fact something wrong with socialism qua socialism.
Why is it that the big-government Danish welfare state, the small-government Swiss welfare state, the frequently illiberal Singaporean welfare state, and the nice-guy Canadian welfare state all seem to work, each in its own way, while socialist experiments — including the so-called democratic-socialist experiments of places such as Venezuela — go speeding down F. A. Hayek’s road to serfdom?
The critical difference is that entrepreneurship and markets are allowed to work in a welfare state — and to work especially well in welfare states characterized by public sectors that, while they may be larger or smaller, are transparent, honest, and effective. The U.S. food-stamp program has its defects, to be sure, but it’s a great deal more effective than was Soviet collective farming and state-run groceries. A dynamic capitalist economy such as Switzerland’s or Singapore’s or Canada’s can carry a lot of welfare state.
But it cannot really carry all that much socialism. The great American socialist experiment — the government school monopoly — is a shocking failure. The government’s attempt to operate a socialist pension system is collapsing and will never pay out its promised benefits at their real present value. For years, American farming was hobbled by federal attempts to manage agricultural markets, with tons and tons of so-called surplus grain left to rot in the name of rational economic planning, converting a period of agricultural abundance that would have merited its own religious myth if it had happened 4,000 years ago into a national economic catastrophe.
When one of our so-called progressives looks at a Nordic welfare state, what he always says he wants to replicate here is the relatively high taxes and relatively large public sector. It’s never Sweden’s free-trade policies, Denmark’s corporate-tax rate (which is far lower than our own), or Finland’s choice- and accountability-driven education system. When the American Left expresses its envy of Western Europe, it’s never Switzerland’s minimum wage ($0.00) it wants to reproduce, only bigger and more rapacious government. But the relatively large Danish public sector does different things than does the U.S. public sector, and it does them differently. A larger U.S. public sector would be a great deal like the current U.S. public sector — ineffective, captive to politics, corrupt — but bigger.
If you want to see what so-called democratic socialism looks like, turn your eyes south to Venezuela and its new slave-labor camps. What’s happening in Canada and Denmark is something else — something that is much more in tune with the approach and priorities of the free-market/free-trade Right, or at least what’s left of it.
— Kevin D. Williamson is National Review’s roving correspondent.
By Kevin D. Williamson — August 3, 2016
A lefty correspondent who believes that I have been unfair to Senator Bernie Sanders — specifically, that I have given insufficient attention to the “democratic” part of his so-called democratic socialism — writes: “You should write about those millions of souls trapped in the Canadian, Icelandic, Danish, and other democratic-socialist gulags.”
But, of course, there are no Canadian and Danish gulags. Then again, Canada and Denmark are not socialist countries. This is a truth the Left, and some of the Right, insists on refusing to learn.Canada in most meaningful ways enjoys a more free-market economy than does the United States, which is why our friends at the Heritage Foundation rank it several steps higher on their economic-liberty index. Denmark has a very free-market economy, too, though it is ranked one step behind the United States; Iceland is ranked ahead of Japan and enjoys a dramatically more free economy than is the Western European norm, ranked at No. 20 as opposed to No. 75 France and No. 86 Italy.
The reasons for these disparities are pretty obvious: The Nordic countries have relatively high taxes and big welfare states, but they also have free trade, relatively liberal regulatory regimes, transparent and effective public institutions, etc. The United States gets dinged for crony capitalism and overly complex regulation. As Nima Sanandaji points out in these pages, four of the five Nordic countries have center-right governments, with the social democrats holding power only in Sweden. But even Sweden has undergone decades of reform in what would be understood in the United States as a generally conservative direction, as indeed did Canada a few decades ago.
Welfare states are welfare states and socialism is socialism, and, in spite of the Bernie Sanders gang and the Right’s talk-radio ranters, they are not the same thing. Welfare states use taxes and transfer payments to enable higher levels of consumption among certain groups, usually vulnerable ones: the poor, the sick, the elderly, children. Welfare states are not synonymous with big government: Singapore, for example, offers surprisingly generous housing and health-care benefits despite having a public sector that is (as measured by spending) about half the size of our own and a little more than a third the size of France’s. Switzerland has a fairly typical portfolio of welfare benefits (including a health-care system that is approximately what Obamacare was intended to look like, if Obamacare hadn’t been written and enacted by fools) with a public sector that is smaller than our own. You can view the data and make your own comparisons here.
RELATED: In Venezuela, Socialism Is Killing Venezuelans
Socialism, as I have written at some length, is a different beast entirely. Like the welfare state, it involves the public provision of non-public goods, but it achieves this in a different way. Rather than levying taxes and distributing checks or vouchers, the socialist government owns and operates the means of production, or, in the corporatist variant, puts the means of production under political discipline effectively indistinguishable from government ownership of them. The easiest example to illustrate the difference here is in American education: The Right advocates a welfare-state approach, with government funding education costs through taxes which are passed on to families with school-age children in the form of vouchers, which can be used at a variety of different kinds of institutions serving a variety of different kinds of needs; the Left, in contrast, advocates the truly socialist model, with government owning and operating the relevant economic assets (public schools) which function as a monopoly. The fact that you can send your children elsewhere does not make them less of a monopoly: Stop paying your school taxes and they’ll still send men with guns to your house to force the money out of you, to seize your home, or to cage you until you comply.
Violence is always at the end of the socialist enterprise, as the poor people of Venezuela are discovering. Our friends on the Left assured us for many years that Boss Hugo and his epigones in the regime of Nicolás Maduro were democratic socialists, not the mean Stalinist type, and the praises of that so-called democratic-socialist regime were sung by everyone from Democratic congressmen such as Chaka Fattah of Philadelphia to progressive celebrities such as Sean Penn.
The democratic socialists in Venezuela have just introduced slavery into their workers’ paradise.
The Chávistas, like Hillary Rodham Clinton and Donald Trump, believe that international trade isn’t the open and mutually beneficial exchange of goods and services between people operating in open international markets but a nefarious scheme in which domestic workers are exploited and ripped off by ruthless foreigners who want to . . . sell them useful and desirable goods at low prices. (Never mind that for the moment.) Like the “Buy American!” gang here and the juche-practicing Norks, the Chávistas advocate a form of autarky, a system under which a country produces what it needs and consumes what it produces with minimal international trade, under the theory that such international trade impoverishes people. (They have never heard of Singapore, Hong Kong, or the United Kingdom, apparently.) So the Chávez and Maduro regimes enacted various kinds of controls on foodstuffs and other essential goods that sought to control prices and restrict international trade. Soon, the shelves of the grocery stores were empty, and Venezuelans couldn’t even buy a roll of toilet paper.
The food shortage is especially severe right now, so the Maduro government has just passed a decree empowering itself to conscript workers — public-sector or private — into the state’s collectively run farming, food-processing, and food-distribution businesses. The pattern here will be familiar to those familiar with the history of socialism in Russia and China.
RELATED: The Facts about Venezuela
Faced with the obvious evidence, Jesse Singal of The New Yorker performs a whole Beethoven sonata of whistling past the graveyard: “It would be a bit of an oversimplification to blame the catastrophe only on socialism qua socialism. Rather . . . it’s Maduro’s particular brand of socialism, which fuses bad economic ideas with a distinctive brand of strongman bullying, and which was handed down to him by Venezuela’s deceased former president Hugo Chávez, that is largely to blame.”
That’s right: It’s not the socialism, it’s just that socialism has never been done right.
Weird thing: That feckless and authoritarian kind of socialism is the only kind of socialism anybody has ever seen or heard of outside of a college dorm room. Either socialism is the unluckiest political idea in the history of political ideas and it just happens to have coincided with government by monsters, caudillos, and incompetents every place it has been tried, or there is in fact something wrong with socialism qua socialism.
Why is it that the big-government Danish welfare state, the small-government Swiss welfare state, the frequently illiberal Singaporean welfare state, and the nice-guy Canadian welfare state all seem to work, each in its own way, while socialist experiments — including the so-called democratic-socialist experiments of places such as Venezuela — go speeding down F. A. Hayek’s road to serfdom?
The critical difference is that entrepreneurship and markets are allowed to work in a welfare state — and to work especially well in welfare states characterized by public sectors that, while they may be larger or smaller, are transparent, honest, and effective. The U.S. food-stamp program has its defects, to be sure, but it’s a great deal more effective than was Soviet collective farming and state-run groceries. A dynamic capitalist economy such as Switzerland’s or Singapore’s or Canada’s can carry a lot of welfare state.
But it cannot really carry all that much socialism. The great American socialist experiment — the government school monopoly — is a shocking failure. The government’s attempt to operate a socialist pension system is collapsing and will never pay out its promised benefits at their real present value. For years, American farming was hobbled by federal attempts to manage agricultural markets, with tons and tons of so-called surplus grain left to rot in the name of rational economic planning, converting a period of agricultural abundance that would have merited its own religious myth if it had happened 4,000 years ago into a national economic catastrophe.
When one of our so-called progressives looks at a Nordic welfare state, what he always says he wants to replicate here is the relatively high taxes and relatively large public sector. It’s never Sweden’s free-trade policies, Denmark’s corporate-tax rate (which is far lower than our own), or Finland’s choice- and accountability-driven education system. When the American Left expresses its envy of Western Europe, it’s never Switzerland’s minimum wage ($0.00) it wants to reproduce, only bigger and more rapacious government. But the relatively large Danish public sector does different things than does the U.S. public sector, and it does them differently. A larger U.S. public sector would be a great deal like the current U.S. public sector — ineffective, captive to politics, corrupt — but bigger.
If you want to see what so-called democratic socialism looks like, turn your eyes south to Venezuela and its new slave-labor camps. What’s happening in Canada and Denmark is something else — something that is much more in tune with the approach and priorities of the free-market/free-trade Right, or at least what’s left of it.
— Kevin D. Williamson is National Review’s roving correspondent.
Wednesday, August 10, 2016
Homelessness industry manages, doesn’t fix problem
Homelessness industry manages, doesn’t fix problem
By Tully MacKay-Tisbert
Published 7:58 pm, Thursday, February
Homelessness is often described as a problem we must solve — and Los Angeles city and county now have expensive plans to do so.
As someone who has spent eight years working in nonprofit homeless services and studying homelessness, I’ve learned homelessness is also an industry designed to manage costs rather than challenge the mechanisms that create and maintain homelessness.
As George Mason University Professor Craig Willse shows in his book, “The Value of Homelessness: Managing Surplus Life in the United States,” homeless services don’t end homelessness; they manage it. While the industry is dominated by nonprofits, there is money to be made, and we have accepted the reality that homeless services are professionalized, and offer career opportunities and — sadly — a certain security.
Homelessness is not routine — it’s a deeply personal experience of suffering, and its causes are largely systemic. Many of the folks that I’ve met through my work became homeless because of the way their lives and choices were constrained by forces outside their control.
Of course, many people I serve have high psychiatric needs and chronic health conditions, but I don’t buy into the notion — common in popular, policy and academic interpretations of homelessness — that these conditions are the primary cause of homelessness.
Misplaced blame
I fear we have constructed an imaginary chronically homeless person — mentally ill, with substance abuse and other issues. That hides the structures behind their troubles — a criminal justice system that swallows up poor people, health care systems that underserve the poor and mentally ill, housing markets that don’t provide enough safe and affordable options. Framing homelessness as a pathology reinforces the legitimacy of the industry and places the blame for housing deprivation on the individual.
As a graduate student in applied anthropology at California State University Long Beach, I did life history interviews with people at Lamp Community, a nonprofit homeless services organization in Los Angeles. I found that lifelong courses of trauma and poverty caused housing insecurity that led people to become homeless. I also found that housing insecurity remains even once a person makes it from the streets to supportive housing. Of course, the committed work of staff in providing services and intervention can sometimes help them keep their housing. But all such efforts are temporary, because supportive housing, like the rest of the homeless industry, fails to confront the inequality, poverty, health care and other systems through which homelessness exists.
When Los Angeles declared a state of emergency in October and committed $100 million to address homelessness, I couldn’t help but see it through this more skeptical lens. Of course there will be folks who benefit from the infusion of millions of dollars into the homeless services industry. But expanding the industry doesn’t bring us closer to ending homelessness. So the state of emergency and funds appear more aimed at masking the visible reminders of our disparate economic and social systems.
As downtown Los Angeles gentrifies and a palpable tension between the newer tenants and those living on the streets grows, the pressure to better manage the homeless population mounts.
Many advocates have argued that housing should be considered a human right, but in our society it is first and foremost a commodity. Still many advocates adopt the argument that housing the homeless is cheaper than leaving them on the street, as a way of getting new policies and more funding. This demonstrates how effectively economics dominates the discourse of homelessness. Take the logic to the extreme, and you understand the horror of such thinking: If homelessness and costs shift so that abandoning homeless to the streets is cheaper, should we stop trying to find them housing?
Changing economic system
Of course I want to make a difference. That’s what drew me to the field of homeless services in the first place. But the poverty and trauma I’ve seen have convinced me that we are failing. The nonprofit industry and all our emergencies will not end homeless.
What will? Real advocacy that isn’t compromised by the funding of an industry. Advocacy that produces deep changes in how our economic system creates and responds to poverty, how we create housing, how people get the health care they need.
While I can focus on the day-to-day work — the great team I collaborate with, the amazing people I’ve met during my time in the field, and the ways we exercise compassion and attempt to lessen the harshness of our broader system — I’d rather simultaneously confront the hypocrite that I’ve become. I can’t help but encourage others caught in the web — advocates, case managers, clinicians, administrators, academics, politicians — to do the same.
Tully MacKay-Tisbert studied applied anthropology at California State University Long Beach and works for an organization in Los Angeles that provides support to homeless and vulnerable individuals. He wrote this commentary forZócalo Public Square.
Remembering the biggest mass murder in the history of the world
Remembering the biggest mass murder in the history of the world
By Ilya Somin August 3

Chinese peasants suffering from the effects of the Great Leap Forward.
Who was the biggest mass murderer in the history of the world? Most people probably assume that the answer is Adolf Hitler, architect of the Holocaust. Others might guess Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin, who may indeed have managed to kill even more innocent people than Hitler did, many of them as part of a terror famine that likely took more lives than the Holocaust. But both Hitler and Stalin were outdone by Mao Zedong. From 1958 to 1962, his Great Leap Forward policy led to the deaths of up to 45 million people – easily making it the biggest episode of mass murder ever recorded.
Historian Frank Dikötter, author of the important book Mao’s Great Famine recently published an article inHistory Today, summarizing what happened:
Mao thought that he could catapult his country past its competitors by herding villagers across the country into giant people’s communes. In pursuit of a utopian paradise, everything was collectivised. People had their work, homes, land, belongings and livelihoods taken from them. In collective canteens, food, distributed by the spoonful according to merit, became a weapon used to force people to follow the party’s every dictate. As incentives to work were removed, coercion and violence were used instead to compel famished farmers to perform labour on poorly planned irrigation projects while fields were neglected.
A catastrophe of gargantuan proportions ensued. Extrapolating from published population statistics, historians have speculated that tens of millions of people died of starvation. But the true dimensions of what happened are only now coming to light thanks to the meticulous reports the party itself compiled during the famine….
What comes out of this massive and detailed dossier is a tale of horror in which Mao emerges as one of the greatest mass murderers in history, responsible for the deaths of at least 45 million people between 1958 and 1962. It is not merely the extent of the catastrophe that dwarfs earlier estimates, but also the manner in which many people died: between two and three million victims were tortured to death or summarily killed, often for the slightest infraction. When a boy stole a handful of grain in a Hunan village, local boss Xiong Dechang forced his father to bury him alive. The father died of grief a few days later. The case of Wang Ziyou was reported to the central leadership: one of his ears was chopped off, his legs were tied with iron wire, a ten kilogram stone was dropped on his back and then he was branded with a sizzling tool – punishment for digging up a potato.
The basic facts of the Great Leap Forward have long been known to scholars. Dikötter’s work is noteworthy for demonstrating that the number of victims may have been even greater than previously thought, and that the mass murder was more clearly intentional on Mao’s part, and included large numbers of victims who were executed or tortured, as opposed to “merely” starved to death. Even the previously standard estimates of 30 million or more, would still make this the greatest mass murder in history.
While the horrors of the Great Leap Forward are well known to experts on communism and Chinese history, they are rarely remembered by ordinary people outside China, and has had only a modest cultural impact. When Westerners think of the great evils of world history, they rarely think of this one. In contrast to the numerous books, movies, museums, and and remembrance days dedicated to the Holocaust, we make little effort to recall the Great Leap Forward, or to make sure that society has learned its lessons. When we vow “never again,” we don’t often recall that it should apply to this type of atrocity, as well as those motivated by racism or anti-semitism.
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The fact that Mao’s atrocities resulted in many more deaths than those of Hitler does not necessarily mean he was the more evil of the two. The greater death toll is partly the result of the fact that Mao ruled over a much larger population for a much longer time. I lost several relatives in the Holocaust myself, and have no wish to diminish its significance. But the vast scale of Chinese communist atrocities puts them in the same general ballpark. At the very least, they deserve far more recognition than they currently receive.
[The truth about life under Cuban communism]
I. Why We so Rarely Look Back on the Great Leap Forward
What accounts for this neglect? One possible answer is that the most of the victims were Chinese peasants – people who are culturally and socially distant from the Western intellectuals and media figures who have the greatest influence over our historical consciousness and popular culture. As a general rule, it is easier to empathize with victims who seem similar to ourselves.
But an even bigger factor in our relative neglect of the Great Leap Forward is that it is part of the general tendency to downplay crimes committed by communist regimes, as opposed to right-wing authoritarians. Unlike in the days of Mao, today very few western intellectuals actually sympathize with communism. But many are reluctant to fully accept what a great evil it was, fearful – perhaps – that other left-wing causes might be tainted by association.
China's curious Cultural Revolution
The social-political movement launched in May 1966 by Mao Zedong followed a botched industrialization campaign where millions starved. It's a sensitive period in modern China's history. That's why this museum filled with relics from China's "Red Era", is one of a kind. From busts to badges, plates to posters - Chairman Mao and his vision are everywhere. (Reuters)
In China, the regime has in recent years admitted that Mao made “mistakes” and allowed some degree of open discussion about this history. But the government is unwilling to admit that the mass murder was intentional and continues to occasionally suppress and persecute dissidents who point out the truth.
This reluctance is an obvious result of the fact that the Communist Party still rules China. Although they have repudiated many of Mao’s specific policies, the regime still derives much of its legitimacy from his legacy. I experienced China’s official ambivalence on this subject first-hand, when I gave a talk about the issue while teaching a course as a visiting professor at a Chinese university in 2014.
II. Why it Matters.
For both Chinese and westerners, failure to acknowledge the true nature of the Great Leap Forward carries serious costs. Some survivors of the Great Leap Forward are still alive today. They deserve far greater recognition of the horrible injustice they suffered. They also deserve compensation for their losses, and the infliction of appropriate punishment on the remaining perpetrators.
In addition, our continuing historical blind spot about the crimes of Mao and other communist rulers, leads us to underestimate the horrors of such policies, and makes it more likely that they might be revived in the future. The horrendous history of China, the USSR, and their imitators, should have permanently discredited socialism as completely as fascism was discredited by the Nazis. But it has not – so far – fully done so.
Just recently, the socialist government of Venezuela imposed forced labor on much of its population. Yet most of the media coverage of this injustice fails to note the connection to socialism, or that the policy has parallels in the history of the Soviet Union, China, Cuba, and other similar regimes. One analysis even claims that the real problem is not so much “socialism qua socialism,” but rather Venezuela’s “particular brand of socialism, which fuses bad economic ideas with a distinctive brand of strongman bullying,” and is prone to authoritarianism and “mismanagement.” The author simply ignores the fact that “strongman bullying” and “mismanagement” are typical of socialist states around the world. The Scandinavian nations – sometimes cited as examples of successful socialism- are not actually socialist at all, because they do not feature government ownership of the means of production, and in many ways have freer markets than most other western nations.
[We ignore Venezuela’s imminent implosion at our peril]
Venezuela’s tragic situation would not surprise anyone familiar with the history of the Great Leap Forward. We would do well to finally give history’s largest episode of mass murder the attention it deserves.
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