Save Marinwood-Lucas Valley - our community, our future

A blog about Marinwood-Lucas Valley and the Marin Housing Element, politics, economics and social policy. The MOST DANGEROUS BLOG in Marinwood-Lucas Valley.

Tuesday, February 14, 2017

Marinwood got BURNED with the Solar Contract and is now over TEN MONTHS behind schedule with NO EXPLANATION!

Editor's Note:  This post below is from March 2016.  Since then the project was approved the project is now TEN Months behind schedule and NO SOLAR POWER.  The Marinwood CSD claimed that "county" was at fault for not approving permits.  This is highly questionable since most projects are approved in a matter of delays.  Finally, after most of the project was installed in August 2016, Marinwood CSD manager, Eric Dreikosen claimed that PGE didn't have the proper generator for three months. This is the same equipment replaced with hours or days after an outage during a storm. Finally, the latest "explanation" is there is "no explanation from the contractor" and at the same time he claims that the contractor IS COMPLYING WITH THE SOLAR CONTRACT.

The Marinwood CSD directors, notably Leah Kleinman Green who approved of the initial Solar consulting contract in 2013 with sitting CSD board member Cyane Dandridge claims that we will be getting FREE solar electricity through the PPA.   Now after MONTHS delay the board is silent and will not hold the Solar Company nor the Marinwood CSD director accountable.

This deserves a full investigation immediately.   The Marinwood CSD is refusing to release documents under the California Records ACT.  
A little protection from legal and financial exposure can prevent nasty surprises later.



The Top 10 Mistakes Schools make with a Solar PPA

An Open Letter to the Marinwood CSD on the proposed SolEd contract approval on 3/8/2016




Dear Marinwood CSD board Member,

Tonight you will be making a fateful decision to encumber Marinwood Community Services District into a twenty five year commitment with a young inexperienced Solar company, SolEd and and an unknown financiers C2Beta Holdings llc, a Delaware Corporation formed in May 2015.  

As you know, Soled Benefit Corporation was fired by the City of St Helena for "FAILURE TO PERFORM" its contract duties on November 10, 2015.  C2Beta Holdings is run by a 29 year old financial entrepreneur from New York.

There are many red flags.

The above link is a very detailed explanation of the risks involved in Solar PPAs that is posted to the California School Boards Association website HERE.  According to all accounts it is a VERY EXPENSIVE way to purchase solar and does little to guarantee competitive energy prices in a changing marketplace.

A outright cash purchase using conventional financing may result in as much as 75% savings over a PPA.  This means faster payback and less risk due to technical obsolescence. 

Please weigh the facts carefully before putting our finances at risk for twenty five years.


Stephen Nestel
Marinwood, CA

Editor's Note: The attached power point presentation makes all of the points we have been making against the SolEd contract.   I doubt if anyone other than Jeff Naylor even bothers to read the presentation.   For the rest of the CSD,  they seem ready to blindly accept the contract without any modifications .  

This is really disgraceful
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Labels: Crime, cronyism, cyane dandridge, david kunhardt, sei, solar, SolEd

Monday, February 13, 2017

California’s housing crisis: It’s a matter of will (THIS is Marin's #1 Political Fight for 2017!)


California’s housing crisis: It’s a matter of will


By John Diaz, San Francisco ChronicleFebruary 10, 2017 Updated: February 11, 2017 12:48pm





In one sense, California’s housing crisis is a matter of simple math. This state was not building anywhere close to the number of homes that would be required to accommodate the addition of 300,000 residents a year over the past decade. Demand is greatly outstripping supply, and it’s only going to get worse with the anticipated population growth of 3.4 million by 2025.
.

So why isn’t that construction happening?

The causes are all political .

There are no inherently evil intentions in the people putting up these barriers. Californians who are fortunate enough to own a home in a comfortable community don’t want to disrupt their good life with newcomers clogging roads, overcrowding schools or overrunning their parks. They worry about the impact of property values.


Taxpayer groups don’t want to subsidize affordable housing. Politicians want to require below-market housing mandates that may or may not have any correlation with a development’s economic viability. Unions demand that any government-promoted housing must require union-level wages. Environmentalists and neighborhood groups want to reserve the right to challenge developments even if they fit within zoning guidelines. No city wants to be told how much it must contribute to the greater good of making its region or its state more affordable.

But add up each of those forces — and the clout that each brings to bear — and it’s clear to see why not enough building is getting done.

So the question arises: Do we have the collective will to change that dynamic, when it results in the nation’s highest poverty rate, our children unable to settle down near us and businesses struggling to recruit and retain workers in a transient economy?

So far, the answer has been no.

Just ask Gov. Jerry Brown, who last year pushed the not-so-radical notion that proposed residential projects that fully complied with local zoning and set aside at list 5 percent of their units for below-market sales should be put on a fast track. Opposition came from various quarters — tenant groups, environmentalists, the League of California Cities — but the true death blow came from the construction trades, which the Legislature’s Democrats dare not cross. Their beef: They wanted any projects that got special treatment to be subject to the equivalent of union wages.

A “prevailing wage” clause is no small deal in construction. A 2005 UC Berkeley study found that such clauses added as much as 37 percent to the price of a unit. It concluded that such union-friendly pacts essentially subsidized construction workers at the expense of low-income buyers. Those requirements work in pricey San Francisco and parts of Los Angeles, but they make projects unattainable most everywhere else.

Brown’s “by-right” plan to streamline housing died last year.

Freshman state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, has come in with a scaled-down plan (SB35) to spur housing construction. It would put the first real teeth in a state process that identifies how much housing each city must provide at each income bracket: Those that are out of compliance would be forced to give fast-track approval to projects that fit their zoning rules.

Asked where he is getting opposition, Wiener said, “You get pushback from everyone.” He has tried to fend off union opposition — at the expense of home buyers — by including a prevailing wage provision.

So it goes in California.

The Legislature also is looking for ways to raise money to subsidize affordable housing, though that is a futile chase:. At an average subsidy of $300,000 a unit statewide — much more in the coastal areas — it would take tens of billions to even come close to meeting the demand. Another fallacy, especially prevalent among San Francisco progressives: The focus should be limited to affordable housing. This crisis is the result of shortages at all price levels.

Gabriel Metcalf, CEO of SPUR, a San Francisco urban planning think tank, said he is struck by the “self righteousness that good liberal Democrats can have” in stopping new housing — and their failure to see the contradiction with their expressed concern for the underclass. “There needs to be a call to (homeowners’) moral conscience to care about other people who do need housing,” he said.

We all need to compromise to preserve the California Dream.

That awakening needs to reach the state Capitol, and city halls everywhere.



John Diaz is The San Francisco Chronicle’s editorial page editor. Email: jdiaz@fchronicle.comTwitter: @JohnDiazChron





What’s in the way? Plenty

Among the many factors why housing is so difficult to build in California:



City



resistance







Each local government is required to create a “housing element” that spells out how it will meet the housing needs at all income levels. But those are goals, not mandates, and many cities don’t bother to follow them.



CEQA





The California Environmental Quality Act can provide a powerful legal tool to stop development — even when the issues being raised against a project have nothing to do with environmental preservation. Competitors, unions and residents who simply don’t like a project have exploited the 45-year-old law to stop housing.



NIMBYs





An “I’ve got mine” mind-set prevails in many affluent areas that are loath to allow newcomers, especially of lesser means, to change the demographics of a neighborhood or city.



Revolving



rules







One of developers’ biggest complaints is the lack of certainty in the planning process, especially in cites such as San Francisco that give opponents multiple chances to slow or stop a project even when it adheres to all the zoning requirements. Delays can add greatly to the cost of each housing unit.



Unrealistic



targets







When politics, not data, drives a city’s affordable housing requirement ... the result can be that projects don’t pencil out. Exhibit A: San Francisco voted in June to double the portion of below-market housing to 25 percent in major projects, a figure the city controller later calculated to be too high.
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Labels: Affordable Housing, housing element, sb 35

Decentralize government to resolve country's divisions


Decentralize government to resolve country's divisions



Feb. 12, 2017



By JOEL KOTKIN / Staff Columnist


Waves of color surround the Capitol Dome in Washington, early Friday, Feb. 10, 2017.AP PHOTO/J. SCOTT APPLEWHITE


America is increasingly a nation haunted by fears of looming dictatorship. Whether under President Barack Obama’s “pen and phone” rule by decree, or its counterpoint, the madcap Twitter rule of our current chief executive, one part of the country, and society, always feels mortally threatened by whoever occupies the Oval Office.

Given this worsening divide, perhaps the only reasonable solution is to move away from elected kings and toward early concepts of the republic, granting far more leeway to states, local areas and families to rule themselves. Democrats, as liberal thinker Ross Baker suggests, may “own” the D.C. “swamp,” but they are beginning to change their tune in the age of Trump. Even dutiful cheerleaders for Barack Obama’s imperial presidency, such as the New Yorker, are now embracing states’ rights.

The founders’ solution

When the founders crafted the Constitution, they confronted a country with deep divisions — rural and urban, slave and free, immigrant and nativist, manufacturing and commodity producing. The solution they came up with had its shortcomings, notably the tolerance of the truly deplorable institution of slavery, but without these built-in restraints the republic likely would not have survived its first decades.

Even after the Civil War settled control of the central government, the country largely followed the founders’ vision of separating and restraining power. Education, zoning, laws and the governing of morality were handled largely at the local level. The federal government focused on things that were its natural purview — interstate transportation, immigration, foreign and defense policy.

Federal intervention remained necessary at times, for example, to assure voting rights. But, overall, maintaining power at the local level has remained broadly popular, with the support of over 70 percent of the adult population. Even in one-party California, most would prefer to see local officials, not those at the national or state level, in control.

Division and the road to alternating dictatorships

As in the antebellum period, American politics sadly reflects two increasingly antagonistic nations. One can be described as a primarily urban, elite-driven, ethnically diverse country that embraces a sense of inevitable triumphalism. The other America, rooted more in the past, thrives in the smaller towns and cities, as well as large swaths of suburbia. Sometimes whiter, the suburbs are both more egalitarian and less reflexively socially liberal.

This division worsened in the Obama era, whose city-centric approach all but ignored the interests of the resource-producing regions of the country, as well as the South. In contrast, under Presidents Bill Clinton and Jimmy Carter, Democrats were joyously competitive in these areas, assuring that the party was truly diverse, rather than simply the lap dog of the littoral constituencies.

With the GOP now in control of Washington, the coastal areas are becoming, to paraphrase President Obama, the new clingers, whether on the environment, racial redress or gender-related issues. Now they fear, with good reason, that the very administrative state they so eagerly embraced could come back to undermine their agenda even at the local level.

Republicans, for their part, are stoking these fears by using statehouse control to slap down efforts by communities in the states they control to embrace progressive policies on minimum wages, transgender bathrooms and fracking bans. By doing this, the GOP could be accused of engaging in its own form of payback, which simply assures that when the Democrats get back in power, they will do the same to them.

How to reunite the country — by decentralization

A better course would be to allow the blue states to push back against federal intrusion, hoping that, perhaps, they have learned a lesson about Washington overreach. The country is too diverse, too different in terms of economics and ethnicity, to find common ground on every issue. The reality of polarization requires greater latitude for local authorities.

The alternative seems to be ever greater dissension and discord. With Trump in power, California progressives dream of secession; had Hillary Clinton won, we’d be hearing hotheads advocating Texas independence.

What is needed is not enforced unanimity but the nurturing of alternatives. We need to allow states to serve as what the progressive U.S. Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis described as “laboratories of democracy.” These entities, he suggested, can “try novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country.” In other words, let Oregon legislate one way, and Texas and Oklahoma another. Voters could then judge which approach they prefer, and try to prove what works best.

Under these localist principles, states, too, should decentralize authority. California’s coastal power structure, largely concentrated in the Bay Area, should not be so able to impose policies that mean real hardship in Fresno, Riverside or Redding. Similarly, progressive redoubts in places like North Carolina should be able to legislate their preferences without being gagged by the more conservative rural areas.

The entire point of the country’s founding was to give communities control over their own money and their own fate. The decades-long rush to centralize power — whatever the political orientation — has tended to only weaken our union, and leave the country on the road, inevitably, to a new kind of interminable civil war.

Joel Kotkin is the R.C. Hobbs Presidential Fellow in Urban Futures at Chapman University in Orange and executive director of the Houston-based Center for Opportunity Urbanism (www.opportunityurbanism.org).
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Labels: California politics, Joel Kotkin, Politics

Will Marin develop like Hong Kong? It is not absurd as you think




Picture of Hong Kong
Urban planners worldwide are trying desperately to create dense urban cores everywhere. It is part of UN Habitat program for their idea of a global future run by technocrat elites. It really is quite remarkable. They have been at this for the last forty years at least but it accelerated in the last ten years. Plan Bay Area is part of this worldwide trend but EVERY metropolis is trying something similar. Low density aka "sprawl" living like Marin do not fit in this "urban ideal". Just like other planning fads of the past, this too must be resisted. We citizens should be determining our lifestyles, not planners and politicians. In a democracy, the government works for the people. Who wants to live in a "blade runner" future, a quasi-socialist nightmare filled with power hunger politicians ruling our lives? I believe that Brexit the populist movement that elected Trump and other leaders worldwide are part of the backlash against this trend.
Quite literally, China urbanization schemes are considered as models for the future by the "smart set" in San Francisco and elsewhere. 

Now with Senator Scott Wiener proposing SB827,  High density housing can happen anywhere near a high frequency bus line. 
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Labels: dens, plan bay area

Saturday, February 11, 2017

The High Cost of a Home Is Turning American Millennials Into the New Serfs



High Cost of a Home



The High Cost of a Home Is Turning American Millennials

 Into the New Serfs




by Joel Kotkin

American greatness was long premised on the common assumption was that each generation
 would do better than previous one. That is being undermined for the emerging millennial 
generation.

The problems facing millennials include an economy where job growth has been largely in 
service and part-time employment, producing lower incomes; the Census bureau estimates
 they earn, even with a full-time job, $2,000 less in real dollars than the same age group 
made in 1980. More millennials, notes a recent White House report, face far longer period 
of unemployment and suffer low rates of labor participation. More than 20 percent of 
people 18 to 34 live in poverty, up from 14 percent in 1980.

They are also saddled with ever more college debt, with around half of students borrowing 
for their education during the 2013-14 school year, up from around 30 percent in the 
mid-1990s. All this at a time when the returns on education seem to be dropping: A 
millennial with both a college degree and college debt, according to a recent 
analysis of Federal Reserve data, earns about the same as a boomer without a degree did 
at the same age.

Downward mobility, for now at least, is increasingly rife. Stanford economist Raj Chatty 
finds that someone born in 1940 had a 92 percent chance of earning more than their
 parents; a boomer born in 1950 had a 79 percent chance of earning more than their 
parents. Those born in 1980, in contrast, have just a 46 percent chance.

Since 2004, homeownership rates for people under 35 have dropped by 21 percent, easily 
outpacing the 15 percent fall among those 35 to 44; the boomers’ rate remained largely 
unchanged.

In some markets, high rents and weak millennial incomes make it all but impossible to 
raise a down payment (PDF). According to Zillow, for workers between 22 and 34, rent 
costs now claim upward of 45 percent of income in Los Angeles, San Francisco, New York,
 and Miami, compared to less than 30 percent of income in metropolitan areas like 
Dallas-Fort Worth and Houston. The costs of purchasing a house are even more lopsided: 
In Los Angeles and the Bay Area, a monthly mortgage takes, on average, close to 40 percent
 of income, compared to 15 percent nationally.

Like medieval serfs in pre-industrial Europe, America’s new generation, particularly in its 
alpha cities, seems increasingly destined to spend their lives paying off their overlords, and
 having little to show for it.

No wonder that rather than strike out on their own, many millennials are simply failing to 
launch, with record numbers hunkering down in their parents’ homes. Since 2000, the 
numbers of people aged 18 to 34 living at home has shot up by over 5 million.

One common meme, particularly in the mainstream media, has been that millennials don’t
 want to buy homes. The new generation, as Fast Company breathlessly reported, is part of 
“an evolution of consciousness.” Other suggest the young have embraced “the sharing 
economy,” so that owning a home is simply not to their taste. The well-named site 
Elite Daily asserts that the vast majority of millennials are headed to “frenetic metropolis”
 rather than becalmed suburbs.

And it’s not just ideologues claiming millennials have evolved out of home ownership. Wall 
Street speculators like Blackstone are betting that the young are committed to some new 
“rentership society,” with that firm investing $10 billion to scoop up existing small homes 
to rent, and even building tracks of homes exclusively for rent.


This isn’t about lifestyle choices. It’s about a system in which the boomers are protecting 
their wealth and views at the expense of the rest of us.

But it’s not a lifestyle choice but economics—high prices and low incomes — that are keeping 
millennials from buying homes. In survey after survey the clear majority of millennials—roughly
  80 percent, including the vast majority of renters – express interest in acquiring a home 
of their own. Nor are they allergic, as many suggest, to the idea of raising a family, albeit 
often at a later age, long a major motivation for home ownership. Roughly 80 percent of 
millennials say they plan to get married, and most of them are planning to have children.

Overall, more than 80 percent of millennials already live in suburbs and exurbs, and they 
are, if anything, moving away from the dense, expensive cities. Since 2010 millennial 
population trends rank New York, Chicago, Washington, and Portland in the bottom half of 
major metropolitan areas while the young head out to less expensive, highly suburbanized 
areas such as Orlando, Austin, and San Antonio.

Age will accelerate this process. As economist Jed Kolko notes, as people enter their thirties 
they tend to head out of core cities to suburban locations; roughly one in four people in
their mid to late twenties lives in an urban location but by the time those people are in
their early thirties, that number drops precipitously and continues dropping into their
eighties. In fact, younger millennials, notes the website FiveThirtyEight, are moving to
the ’burbs at at a faster clip than previous generations. What’s slowing that trend is
economics. Many can’t afford to move, or to transition into a traditional adulthood.

The millennial housing crisis is reshaping the geography of opportunity. Although millennial 
rates of homeownership have dropped nationwide, the most precipitous declines have been 
in such metropolitan areas as New York, Miami, San Francisco, Portland, Seattle, and 
Los Angeles. In all these areas, public policy has regulatory barriers in the way of suburban 
and exurban affordability. It is in these markets where such things as “tiny houses” and 
“micro-apartments”—not exactly a boon to people looking to start families—are being touted
 as solutions to housing shortages.

Nowhere is this dynamic more evident than in California, where the state government has all 
but declared war on single-family homes by banning new peripheral development, driving up 
house prices throughout metropolitan areas. Regulatory fees typically add upward of 
$50,000, two-and-a-half times the national average; new demands for “zero emissions” 
homes promise to boost this by an additional $25,000.

Due largely to such regulatory restraints, overall California housing construction over the 
past 10 years has been less than half of that it averaged from 195 to 1989, forcing prices up, 
particularly on single-family houses. The state ranks second to the last in middle-income 
housing affordability, trailing only Hawaii. It also accounts for 14 of the nation’s 25 least 
affordable metropolitan areas.

Home ownership rates in California are among the nation’s lowest, with Los Angeles-Orange 
having the lowest rate of the nation’s 75 large metropolitan areas. For every two homebuyers 
who come to the state, five families leave, notes the research firm Core Logic.

The irony is that the state’s progressive policies are contributing to a less mobile society 
and a potential demographic crisis. For one thing, fewer young people can form 
families—Los Angeles-Orange had one of the biggest drops in the child population of any of 
the 53 largest metros from 2010 to 2015.

This also has a racial component, as homeownership rates African American and Latino 
households—which often lack access to family wealth—have dropped far more precipitously 
than those of non-Hispanic Whites or Asians. Hispanics, accounting for 42 percent of 
all California millennials, endure homeownership roughly half that seen in other parts of 
the country.

This is not the planners’ happy future of density dwelling, transit-riding millennials but a 
present of overcrowding, the nation’s highest level of poverty and, inevitably, a continued 
drop in fertility in comparison to less regulated, and less costly, states such as Utah, Texas, 
and Tennessee that have been among those with the biggest surges in millennial migration.

Once identified with youth, California’s urban areas are now experiencing a significant 
decline in both their millennial and Xer populations. By the 2030s, large swaths of the 
state—particularly along the coast—could become geriatric belts, with an affluent older 
boomer population served by a largely minority servant class. How feudal!

***

Ownership of land has always been a critical component of middle-class wealth and power. 
Those celebrating the retreat from homeownership among millennials are embracing the 
long-term decline of that middle class, two thirds of whose wealth is in their homes.

The potential decline in ownership also represents a direct assault on future American 
prosperity. Jason Furman, who served as chairman of President Obama’s Council of 
Economic Advisors, calculated that a single-family home contributes 2.5 times as much to 
the national GDP as an apartment unit. Investment in residential properties has dropped to 
its lowest share of overall spending since World War II; by some estimates reviving that 
would be enough to return America to 4 percent growth.

With so many millennials unable to afford homes, or even to see a path to future ownership,
 household formation has been far slower than in the recent past. Rather than a surge of 
middle-class buyers, we are seeing the rise of a largely property-less generation whose 
members will remain economically marginal into their thirties or forties.
 Indeed by 2030, according to a recent Deloitte study, millennials will account for barely
16 percent of the nation’s wealth while home-owning boomers, then entering their
eighties and nineties, will still control a remarkable 45 percent of the nation’s wealth.

If this continues, we may have to all but abandon the notion of the United States as a 
middle-class nation. Instead of having a new generation that strikes out on their own, we 
may be incubating a culture that focuses on such things as the latest iPhone, binge watching
on Netflix, something they do far more than even their Xer counterparts.

Progressives who embrace these developments are abandoning one of the central tenets of 
mainstream liberalism. In the past, many traditional liberals embraced the old American 
ideal of dispersed land ownership. “A nation of homeowners,” President Franklin D. Roosevelt 
believed, “of people who own a real share in their land, is unconquerable.” Homeownership 
is not only critical to the economy but provides a critical element of our already fraying 
civic society; homeowners not only tend to vote more than renters, but they also volunteer
more and, as Habitat for Humanity suggests, provide a better environment for raising 
children.

On the flip side, high housing prices tend to suppress birthrates. Many of the places with 
the highest house costs—from Hong Kong to New York, Los Angeles, Boston, and 
San Francisco—also have very low birthrates. The four U.S. areas ranked among the bottom 
10 in birthrates among the 53 major metropolitan areas in 2015. Over time these can have a 
dampening impact on economic growth, as is clearly seen today in places like Japan and much
 of Europe, and increasingly here in the U.S.

It’s time for millennials to demand politicians abandon the policies that have enriched the 
wealthy and stolen their future. That means removing barriers to lots of new housing in 
cities and, crucially, embracing Frank Lloyd Wright’s notion of Broadacre Cities, with 
expansive development along the periphery.

These new suburbs, like the Levittowns of the past, could improve people’s lives, while 
using new technology and home-based work to make them more environmentally 
sustainable. They could, as some suggest, develop the kind of urban amenities, notably 
town centers, that may be more important to millennials than earlier generations. One 
thing that hasn’t changed is the demand for affordable single-family homes and townhomes.
 But the supply is diminishing—those under $200,000 make up barely one out of five new 
homes.

There are some reasons for hope. The soon-to-develop tsunami of redundant retail space
 will open up millions of square feet for new homes. A move to prefabricated homes, 
already common in Europe and Japan, could help reduce costs. Certainly there’s potential 
demand at the right price—ones that young people can reasonably aspire to and then build 
lives in.

The alternative is to travel back to serfdom and a society sharply divided between a small 
owner class and many more permanent rent payers. By then, the American dream will be 
reduced to a nostalgic throwback in an increasingly feudalized country.

This article was first published in Daily Beast






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Labels: homeownership, Joel Kotkin

Trump goes Hard

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Labels: satire

Friday, February 10, 2017

My letter to the RWQCB regarding Marinwood plaza

February 1, 2017

Mr. Bruce Wolfe                                 RE: Prosperity Cleaners (Case #21s0053) waste cleanup
Executive Officer                                            
RWQCB Region 2
1501 Clay Street
Oakland, CA

Dear Mr. Wolff:

As you know the Prosperity Cleaners (Case #21s0053) waste cleanup is finally underway after nearly ten year delay.

The neighbors of the Marinwood Plaza (Prosperity Cleaners) site are very anxious about the continuing delays,  lack of oversight by the RWQCB and misinformation given to the RWQCB and public concerning cleanup.

We respectfully request on sight inspections by the RWQCB to ensure that the RAP is performed in accordance to the agreement and is not modified for convenience and/or cost.

The February 1, 2017 deadline for compliance established by the RAP and Addendum 2 has been missed and should be subject to immediate financial penalties. 

1.) The discharger delayed clean up for months and now has modified the original plan to suit their needs.  The discharger waited until late September to start search for company to do the work , then claimed that they could not find a company for asbestos abatement for months and suddenly at the 11th hour, the discharger unilaterally decided not to demolish the building. Now, they need additional time to shore up the building due to danger of roof collapsing due to the excavation, to resume excavation.   But the building should be demolished to allow the removal of soil at the hotspot underneath the exterior wall.  

Why does the RWQCB allow the discharger to change the terms of the RAP especially when it means that the toxic waste will remain untreated?

2.) The original RAP calls for the removal of a section of soil 25" x 25" x 15' (347 cubic yards of soil).  On the morning of the first day of excavation, the Clean up Marinwood Plaza Now oversight committee learned from field workers/company that the planned excavation was ONLY 8 FEET depth and that all soil removal would stop when reaching water. Days later water  was  detected at 7 FEET.

When Geologica was confronted with the discrepancy with the field orders, they told the committee that there was a "misunderstanding" by the field workers and told us that they would "correct the error".

Later that day, field workers were told not to speak with the public and Geologica erected barriers and posted signs to keep the public away.  I managed to photograph through an open door and shortly thereafter a large barrier was erected to keep me from photographing the interior.

Since the RWQCB manager is not Haz Mat certified, he has not entered the site and is not in a position to certify the quality of the work and the accuracy of the data provided by Geologica.  Likewise, the public has been completely barred from even monitoring it from a sale distance while many workers and delivery people were observed free entry to the site without safety gear or presumably 40 hours of Haz Mat training.

It appears that the discharger is intentionally keeping its cleanup activities hidden while expecting a certification from the RWQCB.

3.) The project property manager Mr. Fitzsimmons seems to be reporting false information to the RWQCB about the work status.  For example on January 31, 2017, Mr Fitzsimmons reported that work to shore up the building had begun and excavation would continue today and be wrapped up in a couple of days.  No such work has been performed.  The excavator and Bobcat were removed on January 31, 2017 by the rental company and the site closed up.  One of the committee members notified your staff of what was happening of which they were unaware.  Your staff contacted Geologica and they advised that the site was shut down due to the contractor personnel attending a training session and the excavator and Bobcat  to return Thursday night with excavation to resume on Friday.  No mention of the shoring up of the roof prior to continuing the work.

4.) The current toxic waste soil in the containment area is far less than 347 cubic meters.  By estimating the volume it appears that it is less than halfway complete. The public seeks FULL remediation as outlined in the RAP.   We ask that the RWQCB fulfill its duty to protect the water and environmental health of our community by requiring

a.) Institute financial penalties for further non compliance and false status reporting
b.) Haz Mat certified staff  to field verify that all terms of the RAP are fulfilled and progress   monitored throughout the remaining remediation .
c.) Immediately determine the need to demolish the building for full clean up and force the discharger to comply with the original RAP.


Sincerely


Stephen Nestel
Marinwood (San Rafael) CA
Member of the Clean Up Marinwood Plaza Now Oversight Committee

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Labels: RWQCB, toxic waste

In November 2016, RWQCB asks staff to bring up Fines for Marinwood Plaza Toxic Waste site.




Nov 08, 2016  Oakland, CA RWQCB Chairperson Dr. Terry Young closing remarks about the Prosperity Cleaners (Marinwood Plaza) Toxic Waste clean up.  She recommends that staff put penalties for non compliance on the agenda and it is acknowledged by Bruce Wolfe, Director.
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Labels: marinwood, RWQCB, toxic waste

Thursday, February 9, 2017

Marinwood Plaza Toxic Waste meeting Feb 8, 2017 Full meeting



00:00:00 Introduction
00:01:40 Ralph Lambert RWQCB presentation
00:26:17 Tom Fitzsimmons, Wells Fargo & Dan Matthews, Geologica representing Marinwood Plaza, LLC
00:44:17 Public Comments (Renee Silveira is first speaker)
01:09:14 Board Questions and Comments from Staff
01:12:50 Geologica/RWQCB answers questions from the Board
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Labels: marinwood plaza, RWQCB, Silveira Ranch

Why I left the Left

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Labels: Progressives

Trump's Protest Based Stimulus Plan

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Labels: satire

Cellphone Spy Tools Have Flooded Local Police Departments

Cellphone Spy Tools Have Flooded Local Police Departments

Major cities throughout the U.S. have spent millions on mobile surveillance tools—but there are still few rules about what happens to the information they capture.
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A protester uses her phone during a night of demonstrations over the police shooting of Keith Scott in Charlotte, North Carolina. (Mike Blake/Reuters)

A little after midnight on November 28, 2014, hundreds of Black Lives Matter protesters filled the streets of downtown Chicago. The demonstration was one of many that erupted in cities nationwide soon after a Missouri grand jury failed to indict a Ferguson, Missouri, police officer for the shooting death of Michael Brown that August. As the protesters marched, a police vehicle crept behind them. The black SUV emblazoned with “City of Chicago Emergency Management” appeared to have two 360-degree cameras sprouting from its roof and a command center in the back.
Whenever the vehicle drove by, protesters reported that their phones stopped working.
A week later, audio of a police radio dispatch from the protest was released online. In the recording, an officer alerts a department intelligence analyst about of one of the protest organizers. “One of the girls here… she's been on her phone a lot,” the officer says. “You guys picking up any information? Where they're going, possibly?"

The analyst responds, “Yeah, we’re keeping an eye on it. We’ll let you know if we hear anything.”

The leaked conversation and the cellphone disruptions led many activists to conclude that the police were eavesdropping on them. This story circulated widely in protest circles, but the Chicago Police Department never confirmed any such surveillance operations that night. Legally, listening in on private communications between citizens talking over mobile phones would require a Title III search warrant. But one thing is indisputable: The technology to snoop on nearby phones exists—and the Chicago Police Department has had it for over ten years.
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And such spy gear is not limited to Chicago. Hundreds of documents obtained by CityLab from the country’s top fifty largest police departments over the last ten months reveal that similar cellphone surveillance devices have been quietly acquired by local authorities nationwide.
The majority of these departments have at least one of two main types of digital-age spy tools: cellphone interception devices, used to covertly track or grab data from nearby mobile devices, and cellphone extraction devices, used to crack open locked phones that are in police possession and scoop out all sorts of private communications and content.
Access to such devices was once largely limited to intelligence agencies like the NSA and the FBI; their acquisition by local police departments is a relatively recent, less-discussed part of a wider police militarization trend. With only a few clicks, police can now map out individuals’ social networks, communication timelines, and associates’ locations, based on the data captured by these surveillance tools.
As a tool for crime fighting, such intelligence gathering can be powerful indeed: An interception tool could, for example, help police track down a kidnapper; an extraction device could then quickly identify their network of contacts. But the prospect of handing this military-grade spy gear to local law enforcement has inspired concern, in part because of the lack of uniform regulatory safeguards to protect citizens’ privacy.
“A lot of the guys using it are saying, ‘I don’t have to tell anyone I’m using it.”
“With 18,000 federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies, you know there are going to be many that are just going to jump on the technology bandwagon without regard for civil liberties,” says Norm Stamper, former Chief of the Seattle Police Department and now a police reform advocate.
These concerns have taken on a new urgency with the ascension of Donald Trump. The new administration has taken power amid an outbreak of civil resistance in cities nationwide and signs that federal authorities are poised to expand domestic surveillance capabilities. The president has frequently spoken of his plans for the mass deportation of undocumented immigrants and mass surveillance of Muslim Americans and other domestic targets. Executing those plans would be dramatically helped by harvesting, retaining, and distributing personal information from the electronic devices many of us carry in our pockets. And your local police may already have the tools to do just that.

The spy game begins 

Two decades ago, cellphone surveillance tools were mostly used by federal law enforcement and intelligence community personnel for national security and high-level criminal investigations. But after 9/11, as police departments ventured into counter-terror operations themselves, local cops began to snatch up these sophisticated devices.

In December 2015, The Intercept released a catalogue of military surveillance tools, leaked by an intelligence community source concerned by this perceived militarization of domestic law enforcement. The catalogue included tools that could track thousands of people’s
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All Time Favorites

  • Mother Theresa on Doing the Right Thing
  • Truth is a Revolutionary Act
  • Marinwood CSD meeting August 10. 2021
      The Marinwood CSD did not want to share it with the public. As a continuing public service, we will post videos of our local CSD meetings...
  • "MisInformation" about the Prosperity Cleaners Toxic Waste site from the Marin IJ, Marin County and the RWQCB from January 27, 2015
      The people of Marin are regularly subjected to heavily biased reporting like this one in the IJ on  January 27, 2015. . Although the...
  • Google coming to Novato?
    Unconfirmed reports are flying that Google has rented the Fireman's Fund Campus in Novato. If this is true, it probably has someth...
  • A public forum and discussion about the Common Core in Conejo , CA (Southern California)
    Here is another video (from a friend)...Haven't watched the full video yet, but it apparently has pros/cons. Post from a fri...
  • Plan Bay Area Public Forum Summary Recap.
    Marin Headlands Hi Citizen Marin Friends, I thought you might be interested in my recap of last night's Plan Bay Area Public ...
  • "Our Budget is Unsustainable" says Dixie Board President Andy Hyman in 2011
    Editor's Note:   Andy Hyman has held elective office on the Dixie School Board since 2002.   He currently serves as president and rep...

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