Monday, September 19, 2016

Cow Fart Regulation Passed Into California Law

Cow Fart Regulation Passed Into California Law

SACRAMENTO (AP) — Gov. Jerry Brown has signed legislation that regulates emissions from dairy cows and landfills for the first time as California broadens its efforts to fight climate change beyond carbon-based greenhouse gases.
Brown’s move Monday targets a category of gases known as short-lived climate pollutants, which have an outsize effect on global warming despite their relatively short life in the atmosphere.
Environmentalists hope that tackling short-lived pollutants such as methane now would buy time to develop new and more affordable technology to reduce carbon emissions.
The legislation lays out steep reductions in a variety of pollutants, including methane. It’s tied to $90 million in funding for the dairy industry and garbage collectors.
Republicans say the regulations will hurt agricultural businesses, despite concessions made to dairy farmers.
Editor's Note: California has gone crazy.!  Just another hassle that small farmers will have to bear to stay in business.  I guess we are going to kill agriculture in California too.  Wake up voters. Madmen are running Sacramento!

SF cannot be the provider for nation’s homeless

SF cannot be the provider for nation’s homeless


By C.W. NeviusJuly 6, 2016 Updated: July 6, 2016 4:20pm



Photo: Lea Suzuki, The Chronicle


Daniel Pledger rests against a building on Florida Street as he sits under blankets covering him on Friday, April 29, 2016 in San Francisco, California. Pledger says he's been homeless since last August.

What if we set a limit on the number of homeless people we were willing to help?


In The Chronicle’s weeklong coverage of homelessness in the Bay Area, all the experts said the same thing: We can end homelessness.


There’s just one requirement.

Money. Lots more than the $200 million we’re spending now.

We’re talking about housing and services for over 6,000 people, some of whom have severe mental and medical illnesses. And that’s not to say that more won’t show up.


Because as it stands right now, any person who comes to San Francisco and sits down on the street becomes our problem. We’re responsible for housing them, treating their medical issues and keeping them from peeing and defecating on the street, scattering dirty hypodermic needles and blocking the sidewalk.

Yet, we’re not making progress. We can’t even maintain the status quo. In 2013, the city’s biennial homeless count found 6,436 people with no place to stay. Two years later, after outreach, counseling and treatment, the total was 6,686, up 3.8 percent.

As Chronicle reporter Kevin Fagan wrote as part of the multi-news-organization SF Homeless Project, “Homelessness in San Francisco doesn’t look much different than it did 10 years ago. Or 20.”

Honestly, the real answer is probably that this is a nationwide problem in need of a federal response.

So far, San Francisco has poured money into a bucket with a hole in the bottom. We’re spending just enough to make ourselves feel virtuous but not enough to make a significant difference.

So I would say there are two ways to handle this. We can ramp up a major financial initiative to at least double what we are spending now, creating thousands of housing units and treatment centers. You can fix almost anything — at least temporarily — with hundreds of millions of dollars.

Or we can set a cap, or a ceiling on what we will do, how much we will spend and how many people we’ll help at a time.

We’ve proved we can’t handle the influx of homeless individuals into San Francisco. Shelters are crowded, housing is unavailable and mental health facilities are revolving doors.

What if we said instead, we’re going to take care of the thousands we currently have in our system (and the new plan to track and document them will help in this). If we can’t be all things to all people, let’s concentrate on a really terrific set of services and housing that works.

Isn’t that the idea anyhow? To transition the homeless through services and get them into supportive housing? This would be a way to do that. Not all at once, but as a process. And then, at the end of the year, we see how many have transitioned out and add those vacancies to the next year’s homeless plan.

Which leaves, of course, a considerable number of people still on the street. And they can’t stay there, certainly not in tents.

It’s always surprising to me to hear city officials — who are very sympathetic to the homeless — say about the tents, “Well, they’re against the law. We’re going to have to enforce the tent law — the encampments have to go.”

But the city has to do it right: Citation, follow up, second citation, court appearance and a stay in jail. It cannot be a ho-hum “we told you to pack up your tent and leave the neighborhood.”

So those are the choices. Dramatically increase spending on the homeless, which inevitably would take funds from transit, affordable housing for the middle class and public schools.

Or, set a limit on homeless funding and say: We’re willing and able to help homeless individuals, but there’s a limit. We’ll do our part, take care of the thousands we can reach.

But at a certain point, we’re going to have to say it out loud: We’re sorry, we cannot be the homeless provider for the rest of the country.
C.W. Nevius is a San Francisco Chronicle columnist. His columns appear Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday. Email: cwnevius@sfchronicle.com Twitter: @cwnevius

Beyond Homelessness: Read online coverage from the SF Homeless Project athttp://projects.sfchronicle.com/sf-homeless/

Getting One Step Closer to a Global Plan for Sustainable Urbanization

Getting One Step Closer to a Global Plan for Sustainable Urbanization

After negotiations at UN headquarters in New York, there's consensus on the final draft of the New Urban Agenda. (AP Photo/Mary Altaffer)
Over the weekend, representatives from governments around the world achieved consensus on a United Nations document that can serve as a guide to sustainable urbanization for decades to come. They reached agreement on the final draft of what’s called the New Urban Agenda after 38 hours of nonstop negotiations at UN headquarters in New York, Citiscope reports. The nonbinding New Urban Agenda, which could influence everything from policymaking to design in cities, is now set to be formally adopted at the UN’s Habitat III conference in Quito, Ecuador, in October.
Talks in Surabaya, Indonesia, in July failed to deliver an agreement, partly because of disagreements over some language and implementation. The latter will now be left for the UN General Assembly to decide, but on language changes, many advocates for including the social-justice-driven phrase “the right to the city” are content with the final compromise, according to Citiscope reporting. Here’s the final language:
We share a vision of cities for all, referring to the equal use and enjoyment of cities and human settlements, seeking to promote inclusivity and ensure that all inhabitants, of present and future generations, without discrimination of any kind, are able to inhabit and produce just, safe, healthy, accessible, affordable, resilient, and sustainable cities and human settlements, to foster prosperity and quality of life for all. We note the efforts of some national and local governments to enshrine this vision, referred to as right to the city, in their legislations, political declarations and charters.
At the Surabaya gathering, Next City talked to many stakeholders about “the right to the city” and its importance. Here’s what Gloria Solorzana Espinosa, a street vendor from Lima who’s part of the National Self-Employed Workers Network in Peru, said.
Post-Quito, implementation will be key. As George W. McCarthy, president and CEO of the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy,​ wrote recently on Devex, tracking the progress of the New Urban Agenda will not be as straightforward as measuring carbon emissions after the Paris climate change agreements, for example. How to pay for this vision of just, sustainable cities and monitoring urban growth are primary factors in the puzzle. In Surabaya, before the final draft was settled on, Clayton Lane, of the Institute for Transportation & Development Policy, spoke about the challenges of implementation.
Find all of Next City’s reporting on Habitat III here and watch conversations about the New Urban Agenda here.
Editor's Note: The globalist "urban agenda" is a freedom sapping plan for social control cooked up by academics, politicians and international business elites.  While the idealistic goals may sound good, it actually robs the democratic rights of many in favor of a few. 

Sunday, September 18, 2016

Mike Rowe Reading a letter from his mother



TV personality, Mike Rowe reads a hilarious letter from his mom.

What is a globalist?



If you are confused about today's politics, consider the globalist perspective. Plan Bay Area is Agenda 21 is Globalism is corrupt politics and a pathway to exploitation of the common man to serve a political and business elite.

Saturday, September 17, 2016

Myths about Justin Kai on NextDoor are Busted

Myths about Justin Kai on NextDoor are Busted






A supporter of Justin Kai put up the following myths on Nextdoor.   The truth is quite different from his public persona.

1.) Helping put and end to Bridge Housing.

The untold cost of the Toxic Waste cleanup and the defeat of Susan Adams were the main reasons Bridge Housing quit the Marinwood Plaza project. A memo by Bridge Housing staffer sent to the Regional Water Quality Control Board revealed that Bridge Housing was eager to escape liability for the toxic waste if they purchased the property. That staffer lost her job and Bridge Housing withdrew shortly thereafter.  Justin Kai refused to get involved in the toxic waste issue due to political concerns and local citizens deserve full credit for advocacy for the toxic waste cleanup.

2.) Helping oust Susan Adams and getting Damon Connelly (who impresses me quite a bit)

Justin was an energetic campaigner for Damon Connolly and hoped for a staffer position.  It was not to be and Damon hired the talented Chris Callaway instead.  Many people were involved in Damons campaign but Justins hard work for Damon will be remembered and appreciated.

3.) The per unit tax instead of per parcel tax to ease the strain on CSD services for any possible future development.

The idea of a per unit parcel tax had been floated by citizens the previous year and were ignored.by the CSD.  Fortunately this good idea was promoted in 2015 by Justin and again he was a prime campaigner.  He REFUSED to allow others to join him in the campaign fearing that his "image" would be tarnished by controversy.  The fact was that ALL CSD board members and candidates supported this popular idea. We passed the tax adjustment by a wide margin. I credit the citizens who first raised the issue to the CSD rather than those who sought to politically profit for it.
Many people supported the change of taxes to per unit vs per parcel. 

3.) 3 lane striping of Miller Creek/Marinwood Ave.

Justin only supported a right hand turn for Blackstone Dr. while others insisted that all three lanes on Miller Creek remain.  It was only after another citizen pointed to Marin County Road Engineers out there was room for all three lanes in the existing design did Justin change his stance.  He then claimed credit for the idea to boost his public image on NextDoor.

and much more.

Justin has done much good for the community and used his natural gifts for advocacy unfortunately, he became a political opportunist all too soon and betrayed his friends. I cannot forgive his naked character assassination and lies he continues to spew about me.   He should be aware that he no longer has protection from the courts for fraudulent statements made with malicious intent.



Why Gov. Brown's plan to stem the housing crisis failed


'An aggressive proposal that touched a lot of nerves': Why Gov. Brown's plan to stem the housing crisis failed




Liam Dillon



The idea behind Gov. Jerry Brown’s plan to stem the state’s housing affordability crisis was simple: Make it easier to build houses.

If developers pledged to set aside some units in their projects for low-income residents, the governor’s proposed legislation would have eliminated some local hurdles to building, likely leading to a modest increase in construction.
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Yet the proposal the governor unveiled in May represented a profound shakeup in how the development process would have worked in California. The measure challenged the primacy of local control over housing, inflamed powerful entrenched interests and was eyed warily by the very groups representing those the plan was supposed to help.

Because of the resistance, Brown’s effort became so unpopular in the state Capitol that not one of 120 lawmakers was willing to publicly stand behind it. After weeks of little action, the plan died a quiet death last month, never having received a vote in the Legislature.

“I think it was an aggressive proposal that touched a lot of nerves,” said Assemblyman David Chiu (D-San Francisco), the chairman of the Assembly Housing and Community Development Committee.

The defeat of Brown’s effort reveals the high obstacles in the way of the governor and legislators who hope to make meaningful increases to home building in California at the same time the problem is getting worse. The state’s average home price of $466,900 is nearing 2 ½ times the national figure and rising.

Don Perata, the former president pro tem of the state Senate and now a lobbyist and executive director of the California Infill Builders Federation, said the governor’s struggles convinced him that the issue won’t get resolved without a statewide ballot measure.

“When you walk out of your house in the morning, the problems you see are traffic, housing,” said Perata, who supported Brown’s plan. “These are the problems that people want to see you take care of. And that was such a failure.”

In California, cities and counties control what is built in their communities. But study after study has pointed to the hurdles local governments put in front of development — such as parking requirements and lengthy environmental reviews — as reasons why homes aren’t built at the rate needed to keep pace with rising prices.

Last year, the independent Legislative Analyst’s Office estimated the state would need to nearly double the rate of planned housing production and build about 100,000 more units a year than currently planned, primarily in desirable coastal communities, to meet demand from job growth and growing populations.

Brown’s plan took aim at these local restrictions. It would have allowed developers to build without further review on land planned for a set number of units if the developer reserved some units for low-income residents.

For instance, a 300-unit condominium project would have qualified if it was proposed on land zoned for that number of units, but not if the land was planned for single-family homes.

Still, Brown’s proposal would have wiped away the laundry list of approvals many cities, including Los Angeles and San Francisco, require aside from zoning. Though Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti and San Francisco Mayor Ed Lee indicated their support as a way to increase affordability, other local governments resisted because it took away their power.

Cities and counties place restrictions on development because their residents want them, said Dan Carrigg, legislative director of the League of California Cities, which opposed the governor’s plan.

“Cities are little functioning democracies,” Carrigg said. “Public input and transparency are cornerstones to the process.”

Asked last week why his plan didn’t go anywhere, Brown blamed local governments.

“What, you mean why people don't want to cut red tape and overcome local control?” Brown said. “Because people don’t like those changes. Ask the League of Cities.”

Still, more powerful interests than cities opposed the governor.

Labor unions and environmental groups, both highly influential on the state’s ruling Democratic majority, became the proposal’s fiercest antagonists.

Their beef? Brown’s plan would have allowed qualifying projects to avoid additional review under the California Environmental Quality Act, known as CEQA, the state’s chief environmental law governing development.

The 1970 law has helped preserve the state’s environment, but has also been sharply criticized by many including Brown, who contends its restrictions can strangle development and that it’s abused by labor unions and others to leverage labor-friendly hiring rules and other perks.

Robbie Hunter, the head of the State Building and Construction Trades Council, acknowledged that some labor groups have used the environmental law this way. But he argued that’s no different than developers and businesses that have also threatened CEQA lawsuits to stymie rivals’ projects.


“We’re the scapegoat for a lot of things,” Hunter said.

Hunter said CEQA protects construction workers by requiring developers to study construction sites prior to building, ensuring that workers won’t breathe in hazardous materials. More broadly, Hunter said he was concerned that Brown’s housing plan didn’t require qualified developers to pay construction workers what’s known as “prevailing wages” — a higher amount often equivalent to union pay.

“You cannot address the issue of affordable housing by driving the construction workers who are building the affordable housing into needing the affordable housing,” Hunter said.

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Brown opposed the higher-pay rules, saying he was concerned about their cost. In turn, the construction workers union went all-in against the plan, leading a coalition of more than 60 labor and environmental groups as well as community organizers and even renters’ organizations in opposition.

Citing a lack of progress in negotiations with the governor’s office, the coalition walked away from the table in early August. The plan officially died fewer than 10 days later.

What might have seemed surprising about that coalition was opposition from groups representing low-income residents and tenants — the people Brown’s plan was designed to help.

Aimee Inglis, the acting director for Tenants Together, a statewide advocacy organization for renters, said the governor’s proposal wasn’t going to improve renters’ lives. The more acute crisis isn’t the housing shortage, Inglis said, but rather land speculation and other forces driving poor residents from their communities.

Brown’s plan would have made it easier for developers to tear down existing housing to build new homes. Even if that new construction created more units for low-income residents, it still would have displaced those who have lived in neighborhoods for a long time, Inglis said. Beyond that, she said, removing some local approval would have cut renters from debates over where housing should go and what it should look like.

“We support affordable housing,” Inglis said. “But it’s not important enough right now for us to give up all this other power.”

After Brown’s plan received a chilly reception when he first announced it, the governor agreed to spend $400 million on low-income housing subsidies if legislators approved his streamlining proposal. Democratic lawmakers have pushed for years for more state housing dollars, but Brown has resisted. With the failure of the housing plan, the $400 million is now sitting unspent.

Brown implied that cash might get legislators back to the table for future debates over streamlining housing production.

“There's always arguments,” he said, “but we still have the money.”

Friday, September 16, 2016

Bye, Bye to Justin Kai

It's "Bye Bye" for Justin Kai


After a mere eight months as Marinwood CSD president,  Justin Kai has resigned from the Board and will be moving to Portland Oregon area with his wife, Jill and their two young sons.   Save Marinwood wishes them well.

Justin's short tenure on the Marinwood CSD has been marked by controversy,  heavy public spending,  new restrictions on walking dogs and personal attacks levied at me which included assault and battery on me outside my residence while I was walking my dogs one evening in April. 

I can't say that  I am unhappy that Justin Kai is moving away.  He has brought much pain and disappointment to the community.  He once was a friend, yet he turned vicious, vindictive and irresponsible once he got elected to Marinwood CSD board.

We first met in 2013 when, Justin became aware of the Marinwood Priority Development Area through this website.  A small group of residents got together to object to the designation which would mean as many as 1700 new units of housing built west of Las Gallinas in Marinwood.  It would have transformed us from a sleepy suburb to an urban center overnight.  Former Supervisor Susan Adams was the prime driver for it and eventually it cost her an election.

Over 1000 local signatures were gathered and Justin was one of the hardest signature gathers for our little group although much more credit goes to several women who have no interest in politics.   (Linda Barnello was one of the hardest workers and Justin refused to reappoint her in 2015 to the Park and Recreation commission because of political pressure).

It was clear that a group of local citizens needed to regain control of local government.   Justin Kai, Bill Shea and Deana Dearborn were to be the three candidates we would place on the board in 2014.   We won in a landslide and threw out the old Marinwood CSD majority.

We were optimistic that we could get the Marinwood CSD back on track to financial solvency and address the larger community issues such as the Marinwood Market Toxic Waste spill,  Marin Supervisors push for development in our community and other matters that had slipped public attention for years.  

Then something weird happened.  Only Deana Dearborn was a reliable voice on the Marinwood CSD for responsible local government(she did not run for reelection in 2015).   Justin Kai seemed more interested in a political career than fulfilling promises of his campaign.  The petition list that we had all gathered, suddenly became the "personal property" of Justin alone for his political purposes.  He stole it from all of us. 

Nevertheless, the community still fought on,  Marin Community Alliance was formed to mount a legal challenge against Marin County for a dubious Environmental Impact Report that would be the foundation for massive developments in Lucas Valley and across Marin County.   Justin Kai, claimed to distrust the intent of our friends in the organization and refused to allow our email list for community communications.  Justin Kai betrayed his friends who once supported him to further his political ambitions.  Marin Community Alliance won its case in the early rounds and is pending appeal.  

Justin's political positions waffled too.  He shifted from a strong voice against over development to a overly cautious, local politician who dared not to make waves.

Other bad decisions followed, such as a twenty year commitment to buy solar electricity from a consortium of a former Marinwood CSD Board member, a housing activist and a 29 year old "financial entrepreneur" from New York City at SEVEN TIMES market cost!  

The solar project is half way finished and Justin Kai will be leaving town for greener pastures.  I hope he will reflect upon his short political career and learn from his mistakes.   We will be paying for them in Marinwood for a long time to come. 

Life goes on.

Thursday, September 15, 2016

Urban planners want ‘No Parking Any Time’


Urban planners want LA’s motto to be ‘No Parking Any Time’: Susan Shelley


This Aug. 24, 2016 staff file photo shows the faint outline of lettering on the side of a wall at Rocketdyne in Canoga Park. The site is being razed for development.
This Aug. 24, 2016 staff file photo shows the faint outline of lettering on the side of a wall at Rocketdyne in Canoga Park. The site is being razed for development. Photo by John McCoy/Los Angeles Daily News

This Aug. 24, 2016 staff file photo shows part of the Rocketdyne campus being demolished.
This Aug. 24, 2016 staff file photo shows part of the Rocketdyne campus being demolished.Photo by John McCoy/Los Angeles Daily News
Just before the backers of the anti-development Neighborhood Integrity Initiative submitted more than enough signatures to put the measure before the voters, they met with L.A. Mayor Eric Garcetti.
If the city would come up with its own plan to limit oversized developments, the group said, they would not go forward with the initiative.
Mayor Garcetti made a concession. He offered to notify the public of closed-door meetings between city officials and developers.
That wasn’t nearly enough for the initiative backers, who think closed-door meetings should be banned altogether, and it’s hard to argue with that.
Demolition of the buildings on the historic former Rocketdyne site in Canoga Park is now underway in preparation for what the developer is calling a “sustainable urban village” of about 4,000 housing units. As recently as June, City Councilmember Bob Blumenfield addressed public concerns about an excessively large development at the site by saying, “nothing has been submitted to the city for this location.”
Has Councilmember Blumenfield or other city officials held closed-door meetings with the developer or lobbyists and consultants about the Rocketdyne site? The public lacks even the right to know.
The Neighborhood Integrity Initiative is aimed at stopping the out-of-control “spot zoning” that allows oversized developments to be approved in places where they otherwise would be prohibited.
One purpose of zoning and community plans is to provide consistency over time, so that when people buy property, whether for a home or business, they know what they’re buying. A home on a quiet street of single-family residences won’t suddenly have a strip mall or hotel as a next-door neighbor.
“Spot zoning” to allow more height and density can have an extremely negative impact on the surrounding neighborhoods, especially if the minimum requirements for parking are waived. And this is increasingly what some urban planners are recommending.
Donald Shoup, a professor of urban planning at UCLA and author of the influential 2005 book, “The High Cost of Free Parking,” says “minimum parking requirements subsidize cars, increase traffic congestion and carbon emissions, pollute the air and water, encourage sprawl, raise housing costs, exclude poor people, degrade urban design, reduce walkability and damage the economy.”
But eliminating minimum parking requirements risks turning neighboring residential streets into a scene that resembles the parking lot of Dodger Stadium when the Giants are in town.
Housing policy in California has discouraged the development of new single-family houses in outlying areas in favor of what planners call “infill,” the construction of high-density housing on vacant land in built-up areas. State law also speeds approval of “transit-oriented development,” mega-projects located within a half-mile of a train station or a bus stop with frequent service during peak hours.
Urban planners have a vision that people will respond to unbearable traffic and parking problems by choosing to give up their cars. To make their vision work, some favor a ban on parking lots at transit stations. Ben Schiendelman, who writes a blog at TheUrbanist.org where the posts have titles like “Bike Lanes are Social Justice,” wrote recently, “for every parking space we build at a transit station, we’re encouraging a new car-oriented suburban housing unit, demand for suburban shopping and suburban road extension to serve them.”
But everybody’s different, and in a free country, they’re allowed to be. Some people want to live in a 500-square-foot apartment in a downtown high-rise where the first floor tenant is a Moroccan-fusion restaurant with poetry readings and an all-day happy hour. Other people want to be far away from those people.
Some people want a house with a yard for the dog and the kids, and they don’t want to hear their neighbors’ footsteps through the ceiling.
People work hard in this country to get what they want. And they get pretty upset when the government changes all the rules and robs them of the enjoyment of their property, as when a “spot-zoned” mega-development turns a quiet street into a permanently jammed parking lot.
Urban planners may call that NIMBYism, but Sir William Blackstone called it the fundamental right of individuals to own and enjoy their property.
Blackstone was a strong influence on the minds that wrote the U.S. Constitution, which is structured to protect the rights of individuals against those who claim to speak for the greater good.
“We are poisoning our cities with too much parking,” said UCLA’s Shoup. “Removing minimum parking requirements may be the cheapest and simplest way to achieve a more just society.”
Ivory towers never need parking lots.
Susan Shelley is a columnist for the Southern California News Group. Reach her atSusan@SusanShelley.com and follow her on Twitter: @Susan_Shelley.

Wednesday, September 14, 2016

The "Big Switch" in the South was a Big Scam



The crimes of the Democrats didn't stop after the antebellum period—they're found in segregationist postbellum America, in the KKK's revival, in a cozy relationship with fascism in the 1930s, in Japanese internment camps, and in present-day ghettos and slums.

Invoke Article 50 now. The people of Britain want out ASAP



Interesting parallels to the Bay Area Plan and the new Regional Government being formed from ABAG /MTC.  The people left because local democracy was not being honored.

Tuesday, September 13, 2016

Many Valley residents fall victim to solar panel scam



Dozens of valley residents were fooled by a solar company that promised cheap bills. Stealth Solar promised huge savings but the Arizona Attorney General's Office says the complaints proved otherwise. Dozens of valley residents were fooled by a solar company that promised cheap bills. Stealth Solar promised huge savings but the Arizona Attorney General's Office says the complaints proved otherwise. Dozens of valley residents were fooled by a solar company that promised cheap bills. Stealth Solar promised huge savings but the Arizona Attorney General's Office says the complaints proved otherwise.