Sunday, September 21, 2014

Marin Voice: Five reasons the county should start over on housing plan


http://www.marinij.com/opinion/ci_26567682/marin-voice-five-reasons-county-should-start-over

Marin Voice: Five reasons the county should start over on housing plan

By Pat Ravasio


In November, the Marin Board of Supervisors will vote to adopt the new "housing element," which proposes sites for hundreds of new housing units not required by state law. This misguided plan is on the minds of thousands of Marin residents who care about the future of our amazing county. '

Everywhere I go, people are worried about this "build, baby, build" mentality and wondering what they can do. Well, first and foremost they can contact their supervisors and give them some good reasons to re-think Marin's future.

Here are five good reasons why the process should start over:

• The will of the people has clearly been stated. County officials boast about the months of public hearings on this matter. They don't mention that the majority of people who attended their "workshops" firmly objected to the process because it lacked real options, or that hundreds have shown up at planning meetings to express strong opposition to high-density projects — similar to WinCup in Corte Madera — they are planning to allow.

• There are better ways to grow. The idea that people will drive less if you house them along the highway is absurd. If this planning is really about sustainability, why aren't we talking about what is actually economically and environmentally sustainable? Why aren't we talking about creating senior and low-income housing within our downtown areas, even in unincorporated parts of Marin? In every small town, people can, and already do walk and bike to stores, schools and restaurants. Why not allow second-story units above and close to existing locally owned businesses? This would welcome seniors and low-income residents into our communities, instead of forcing them to live out near the noise and pollution of the highway.

Shouldn't we also consider encouraging more and better jobs first, before adding more housing for more people who will only have to commute by car to get to work?

• What's the rush? The county Planning Commission's decision to increase designated development sites four-fold over the state's legal requirement is unprecedented. The supervisors' decision to finalize and adopt this plan before Jan. 31 is unnecessary. The Metropolitan Transportation Commission told the county that if it fails to adopt the housing element by Jan. 31, MTC will deny it federal transportation funding. However, MTC won't tell the county how much money, or even promise that there will be any money available. MTC has no legal authority to make that threat or penalize anyone. So there is no good reason to rush. The county, by law, has until May 31 to finalize the plan; plenty of time to get it right.

• Marin deserves better. Future generations in our county will wonder what we were thinking. If the county's planning process is about sustainability, we should surely be discussing the impacts of four times the amount of state-required housing on our schools, roads, traffic, the costs of public services and the management of resources, especially water.
We should consider our dwindling water supply and the foolishness of proposing to build housing in flood-prone areas that will be impacted by sea-level rise. • If we can't do it, who can? We're Marin County. We have more resources, natural, intellectual and otherwise, than just about anywhere else on Earth. Surely we can do good, thoughtful, long-term planning to benefit future generations. Surely we can begin by getting our elected representatives to see that they should represent our interests, rather than those of high-density housing advocates and profit-motivated developers. And if they don't believe the majority of residents agree, then why not do a public survey and ask?
It's time to start digging for the right answers for Marin. Please think about this and talk to your neighbors, and above all attend upcoming supervisors' and planning commission meetings and speak your mind during open time.

We can do better. Let's get working on it.

Then maybe we can get back to living our lives, instead of being increasingly distressed by poor decisions and unresponsive government processes we are experiencing from our elected representatives. 
 
Pat Ravasio of Corte Madera is a local real estate agent. She is a former community member of the Marin IJ Editorial Board. She can be reached at patravasio@comcast.net.

Saturday, September 20, 2014

a ride on the cable car down Market Street in 1906 - 4 days before the big quake hit.


Saturday Night Movies

Cause">http://vimeo.com/105681474">Cause and Effect: the unexpected origins of terrible things
from Delvehttp://vimeo.com/delvetv">Delve> on Vimeo.https://vimeo.com">Vimeo.>
Sidewalk from Celia Bullwinkel on Vimeo.

Burning man 2014 from UBERcut on Vimeo.

Final Serving / Nachschlag from Florian Maubach on Vimeo.

THE GOLDEN AGE from SUITCASE Magazine on Vimeo.

'Transition' Documentary from Digitaldoes on Vimeo.

Michel Bisceglia - Jasmine from FrictionMedia on Vimeo.

The Diatomist from Matthew Killip on Vimeo.

THE DOVE & THE WOLF - The Words You Said from zack spiger on Vimeo.

Ethiopia! from The Perennial Plate on Vimeo.

PRACTICE! from FANTAVIOUS FRITZ on Vimeo.

In The Air Is Christopher Gray (2013) from Felix Massie on Vimeo.

the Abovemarine from Adam Ben-Dror on Vimeo.

SMART rejects changes recommended by grand jury

SMART rejects changes recommended by grand jury

Officials overseeing the Sonoma-Marin Area Rail Transit authority have strongly rejected findings by a Sonoma County grand jury that called on the agency’s board of directors to improve its financial oversight and its communication with the public.
 
The recommendations stemmed from a highly critical grand jury report that faulted the agency for not being upfront about risks to its tax revenue at the outset of the recession and called out SMART’s board of directors for delays in delivering the commuter rail project promised to voters in 2008. 
 
In its official response this week, the SMART board disagreed or partially disagreed with all 13 of the findings in the grand jury’s report, released in July. The board also said it will not implement seven of the report’s eight recommendations, calling them unwarranted.
 
A SMART official who drafted the response said the grand jury missed the mark with its findings. The SMART board, made up mostly of elected city and county officials, has adeptly managed the rail agency through tough financial times, the official said.
“We’ve done really well, and I don’t think (the grand jury) got all of the information,” said Jim Eddie, who along with fellow board member Barbara Pahre authored the agency’s response to the grand jury. 
 
The response offers a point-by-point rebuttal to each of the grand jury’s findings and dismisses its recommendations as being either out of date, irrelevant or inaccurate. It rebuffs a grand jury that had picked up on many of the criticisms that SMART foes have leveled against the agency, specifically that SMART has understated its financial woes since the recession, that its directors lack detailed knowledge of the rail project and, due to those problems, that the agency has struggled to deliver the project that it outlined to voters six years ago.
 
Martin Jones, foreman of the newly impaneled Sonoma County grand jury and a member of the group of jurors that produced the SMART report, said he was dismayed by the agency’s response. 
 
“It’s disappointing to read,” he said. “We stand by our findings. They’re well researched, and they are fact-based, objective comments from a well-informed sector of the community.”
 
SMART General Manager Farhad Mansourian declined to comment on the grand jury report or SMART’s response, saying it was a matter for the agency’s board of directors.
The grand jury report, “The Train Has Left the Station: Five Years Later — The Outlook for SMART,” summarized a yearlong investigation into the agency behind the $660 million project. The report was based on interviews with SMART staff and board members as well as analysis of financial documents.
 
It pointed to the large drop in SMART’s tax revenue during the recession, saying the agency failed to inform voters in 2008 of such risks, which caused a funding gap that led officials to downscale the 70-mile, Cloverdale-to- Larkspur project to an initial 43-mile Santa Rosa-to-San Rafael segment.
 
SMART, in its response, said that few people anticipated the economic downturn, but the agency did not directly address the allegation that its board had failed to advise voters of the recession’s impact on its project. Voters in 2008 approved the quarter-cent sales tax that primarily funds the project.
 
“This finding is stale in that it relates to six-year-old events and does not involve actions of current management,” the response stated. “This finding involves events that occurred long before the 2013-2014 grand jury was impaneled and does not relate to the current method or system of SMART’s operations.”
 
SMART also rejected a grand jury finding that the initial segment expected to operate in 2016 will not satisfy what was promised to voters.
 
“The recession affected SMART just as it did other public and private entities, and the voters themselves,” SMART stated. “Responding to unexpected financial constraints, SMART acted prudently in deciding to phase the construction of the SMART rail system.”
The board said it disagreed with a grand jury finding that SMART board members have “heavy time commitments resulting in a lack of sufficient attention for SMART and an absence of the effective oversight voters expected.”
 
In its response, SMART said that it is common for officials to sit on multiple boards and that having board members who serve on boards of other transit agencies helps in coordinating resources for the regional transportation network.
 
The grand jury recommended that SMART engage an independent economist to help forecast future sales tax revenue, provide a comparison between the agency’s original financial plan and the current outlook, and provide an annual update to its long-term financial forecast. 
 
SMART rejected the suggestions. Eddie said the agency is focused on construction and should not be sidetracked by doing long-term financial forecasting, among other grand jury recommendations.
 
“On the financial side, we’re doing the best we can with the money we have,” he said. “Right now, our priority is to build the railroad. We don’t need to spend money on a future financial outlook.”
 
SMART did agree with one recommendation: that the agency’s strategic plan include a forecast of operating and maintenance costs associated with future operation of the rail network. SMART’s response noted that the step has not yet been implemented. 
 
Jones, the grand jury foreman, said the panel’s recommendations were intended to be constructive and to help make the rail authority function more efficiently. 
 
“I am surprised that the SMART board would not choose to explore some of these recommendations further,” he said. “The lack of acceptance of anything indicates a desire to continue with the status quo.”
You can reach Staff Writer Matt Brown at 521-5206 or matt.brown@press democrat.com.

Thursday, September 18, 2014

The Politician Made Drought in the Central Valley


On Friday, the California State Assembly outdid itself. You can always count on the leftist leaders of what is supposed to be the “people’s house” never lets a crisis go to waste.

With the passage of AB 1739 (Dickinson-D), SB 1168 (Pavley-D), and SB 1319 (Pavley-D), 100 years of history was reversed. The authors painted a grim picture of California’s groundwater future. Most of what they said is true. The only problem they didn’t bother to tell you two key truths:

  1.It was these same so-called leaders who give up our seat—the property owner and the farmer’s place at the table—to the enviro-extremists. The fish now have more water rights than do the farmers and ranchers who by making a living off the land, feed this state and this country.

  2.By wasting surface water and letting 800,000 acre-feet go out to sea instead of capturing and storing it for the bad years, California’s dysfunctional policies combined with uber-restrictive Federal endangered species protections have created over-dependency on groundwater.

These bills, which obliterate private property rights and local control, are being sold as a port in a storm, when the reality is that they are the recipe for the perfect storm. By granting the State Water Resources Control Board, the last vestige of control over all our water, the farmers and ranchers who were denied their allocation of water from the State Water Project, will be at the mercy of a merciless government. The tactics of the left never vary. They use a government created crisis such as the drought, which is the culmination of years of their own mismanagement and corruption, to consolidate power.

Now, the basic right of a citizen to draw water for support of himself or his family is non-existent. Once a state agency gets control over something, they are like a great white shark. They never let go. Now a board that sits just a few blocks away from the State Capitol will have more say than your local governing body over how much groundwater you can use. Don’t be fooled by the proponents of this bill who are doing this to “help recharge the groundwater.” There is nothing in this bill that will address the groundwater crisis facing California. Almost every one of the provisions of these bills will not be in force for years to come.

This is about power and government control. Whoever controls the water, controls the people. Every time the government takes more control over a natural resource, the price goes up. In this case, the cost of food and energy will be inflated by government, not the marketplace. When government is the source of inflation, it is only a matter of time until cheaper sources make their way to market from less-regulated states or nations.

California has long been known as the “bread basket of the world.” If Governor Jerry Brown signs into law this evil trifecta, the government that created a dust bowl out of the once-fertile Central Valley, will preside over the death of agriculture as the number one industry in our state.


Wednesday, September 17, 2014

California Club: A Triple-Decker 56% Labor Cost Jump

California Club: A Triple-Decker 56% Labor Cost Jump 


When regulations knock out business, the whole economy suffers.

By JED GRAHAM, INVESTOR’S BUSINESS DAILY, 9/12/14

Diners don’t want sandwich-makers sneezing on their turkey, so there’s an obvious logic to California’s new law mandating three paid days of sick leave.

But as California piles up the costs of employing low-wage workers with paid sick leave and a higher minimum wage, employers also face another large cost spike via ObamaCare.

From June 2014 — just before California bumped up the minimum wage from $8 to $9 an hour — to January 2016 (when the minimum wage hits $10), the cost of employing a 40-hour-per-week minimum-wage worker could rise as much as $4.82, or 56%, to $13.43 an hour, an IBD analysis finds.

That includes $2.15 in more wages and Social Security and Medicare taxes; an additional 13 cents for sick leave; and a potential ObamaCare penalty equivalent to $2.54 an hour in wages.

Fewer Jobs, Hours

One big risk is that industries employing a primarily low-wage workforce will hire less. That’s the prediction of the Congressional Budget Office, which has said the combination of ObamaCare’s employer mandate penalties and a hike in the minimum wage to the $10 range would cause more job loss than a higher mandated wage by itself as employers find it more cost-effective to replace workers with technology.

The other risk is that employers will keep workers’ hours below 30 per week — full time under ObamaCare — to dodge a big part of these new costs.

Restricting workers to 29 hours per work would avoid ObamaCare employer penalties and limit the compensation increase to a still-hefty $2.32 an hour, or 27%.

Interestingly, Bureau of Labor Statistics data show that big minimum-wage hikes have been passed in four of the five states seeing the biggest year-over-year drop in the average workweek among leisure and hospitality workers.

Inhospitable Wage

Those states are Vermont, where average work hours in the sector fell 4.7% from a year ago in July; Connecticut (-4.1%); Delaware (-3%) and Maryland (-3%).

Evidence of an ObamaCare impact in depressing the workweek is piling up. In private industries paying up to $14.50 an hour, rank-and-file workers are clocking the shortest workweek on record, just 27.3 hours.

Further, the number of workers clocking hours just above the 30-hour-per-week mark has plunged relative to those with workweeks just below it.

The employer penalty for each full-time worker who receives ObamaCare exchange subsidies in 2015 will be $3,120. Penalties are assessed based on the work hours during a measurement period in 2014, so employers have had an incentive to act in advance to limit liability by reducing work hours.
Because the fine is nondeductible, it is the equivalent of $5,132 in deductible wages for a company facing a combined 39.2% state and federal tax rate.

That breaks down to $2.47 per hour for a 40-hour-per-week, year-round worker, and the penalty is on track to rise at least an additional 3.2% in 2016.

Large firms are penalized if they don’t offer coverage to the vast majority of full-time workers (that fine is $2,080 per full-timer in 2015). But to limit penalties, firms can offer skimpy or unaffordable coverage and pay a larger fine ($3,120) only for each full-time worker who opts for ObamaCare subsidies. Depending on household size and income, some full-time minimum wage workers — even a higher minimum wage — could qualify for Medicaid, in which case employers would be spared a fine.

California’s new sick leave law requires 24 hours, or three days, of paid time for employees who work enough hours. But the legislation was revised to exclude home health care workers from the mandate because it would have reportedly cost the state $80 million per year.

SMART train is on Shaky Financial Footing

http://www.marinij.com/opinion/ci_26521259/marin-voice-smart-train-getting-ready-roll-shaky



Sonoma-Marin Area Rail Transit staff has issued a draft "financial plan" that specifies the transit agency's financial outlook through 2028.
Is it any good?
No one who has followed SMART's long history of overstating the train's financial prospects should be surprised that the answer is no. Once again, staff has decided to gloss over the likely financial challenges facing the agency and, instead, has drafted a rosy scenario, employing cherry-picked assumptions adopted to favorably portray SMART's financial outlook.
The most important revenue in SMART's financial future is sales tax. While no one knows exactly what sales tax revenues will be, SMART's track record for forecasting this revenue stream is dreadful.
The financial plan draft states that it "uses a fairly conservative estimate of 3 percent annual growth in sales tax revenues."
In fact, the plan's assumption is anything but conservative, when compared with historical experience.
SMART has assumed sales tax revenues will rise faster than the historical average.
On the expense side, SMART staff assumes total operating expenses grow at precisely the inflation rate. In other words, SMART staff has just posited that there will be no real increases in the price of diesel and in its own compensation between now and 2028.
This assumption is totally out of line with the experience of other Bay Area transit operators. It's hardly conservative to assume that diesel prices will grow no faster than the general price level or that SMART staff won't get a real wage increase between now and 2028.
One component of its financial plan is not an assumption. SMART is committed to paying back the bonds it issued in 2012 with a payment schedule that increases over time.
In 2015, SMART's annual debt service (principal and interest payments) will be $8.5 million. By 2028, SMART is obligated to pay over $20 million, or almost half of every sales tax dollar.
Sales taxes are highly sensitive to economic growth. The longest expansion on record is just under 10 years. The Great Recession ended in June 2009. This means a conservative assumption would incorporate two recessions into the planning horizon.
The financial plan has included none.
The plan claims that "the model's conservative estimates and building of prudent reserves means the agency will be on sound footing regardless of those uncertainties." There is nothing in the plan to document this claim.
Unfortunately for Marin and Sonoma taxpayers, SMART is a highly levered entity because of its debt burden.
When over 40 percent of forecast sales tax revenues are pledged to debt service, revenue declines have almost twice the effect on funding for operations. The plan does not provide any guidance as to how the agency will respond to declining sales tax revenues when the next recession occurs.
While ridership figures are not provided, the increases in ridership can be calculated from the assumed increase in fare revenues. The draft states ticket prices will remain constant in real dollars, but fare revenues will more than triple.
Staff is assuming that by 2028 ridership will be 2.4 times higher than the number of riders in the first year of operation. This also assumes from 2019 to 2028, ridership will grow 3.5 times the projected employment growth rate for Marin and Sonoma in the adopted Plan Bay Area.
The financial plan is still a draft document. As a result, there is ample opportunity for the board to perform its fiduciary duties, as called for by the grand juries of Marin and Sonoma counties.
The plan's assumptions need to be revised to reflect reality, not pipe dreams. The time for wishful thinking and marketing is over.
The public deserves to be told the truth: revenues from the quarter-cent sales tax are unlikely to consistently fund promised rail services, particularly when the next recession occurs and those revenues decline.
Mike Arnold of Novato is an economist, consultant and longtime critic of the SMART train.

Monday, September 15, 2014

Government uses zoning in lieu of eminent domain.


The Battle of the Bacon Dogs. The little guy gets squeezed first


adf

The Land-Use Battle That Is Reshaping Seattle and will soon be coming to Marin!

The Land-Use Battle That Is Reshaping Seattle

A building frenzy provokes a citywide revolt, name-calling, and arguments over whether growth is helping or hurting housing affordability. And it doesn’t look as if it’s going to end anytime soon.

On a sunny summer afternoon on Northwest 60th Street in Ballard, Tom Bradish decides that he isn’t going to sit idly by while construction workers are invading his street, “acting like they own the neighborhood.”
A pair of workers are presiding over a plot near the modest one-story where he has lived for the past 23 years. Where once a little house dating back to 1900 stood there is now nothing but mounds of dirt and a digger, which will soon give way to four row houses. Nearing the end of the day, the workers are unloading fencing material from a flatbed truck parked in the middle of the road. Bradish walks up to the workers and tells them to move on and stop blocking traffic.
Exactly what he says can’t be heard by bystanders, but it obviously isn’t pretty. “Don’t bitch at us,” explodes one of the workers, dark-haired, clad in a black T-shirt and nearing the end of the day working in the hot sun. “I’m here to do a job.”
He clomps back to his truck to finish up, but a minute later he’s back in the middle of the road. “Hey, I know you don’t want these houses built,” he shouts, as Bradish continues to stand in the road, watching. “But don’t start using the f-word with me. You know what? I don’t fucking care. You’re a fucking prick!”
For a moment, it seems like the pair might come to blows. Instead, Bradish barks: “Get your shit out of the street and move it.”
With slamming of doors and banging of materials, the worker eventually does as Bradish suggests and drives off. Bradish is unfazed. In fact, he looks rather pleased with himself as he confides that he intended to needle the workers. “You have to put these guys on notice.”
The needled worker is right about one thing: Bradish doesn’t like the row houses that are going up across the street from him, nor the similar low-rise developments that are popping up all over this part of Ballard, most of them on land cleared of charming and historic homes. The neighborhood is becoming denser, and—i

Sunday, September 14, 2014

Competition Is for Losers

 Competition Is for Losers

If you want to create and capture lasting value, look to build a monopoly, writes Peter Thiel



 




Sept. 12, 2014 11:25 a.m. ET
Only one thing can allow a business to transcend the daily brute struggle for survival: monopoly profits. Javier Jaén 
           
What valuable company is nobody building? This question is harder than it looks, because your company could create a lot of value without becoming very valuable itself. Creating value isn't enough—you also need to capture some of the value you create.
 
This means that even very big businesses can be bad businesses. For example, U.S. airline companies serve millions of passengers and create hundreds of billions of dollars of value each year. But in 2012, when the average airfare each way was $178, the airlines made only 37 cents per passenger trip. Compare them to Google which creates less value but captures far more. Google brought in $50 billion in 2012 (versus $160 billion for the airlines), but it kept 21% of those revenues as profits—more than 100 times the airline industry's profit margin that year. Google makes so much money that it is now worth three times more than every U.S. airline combined.
 
The airlines compete with each other, but Google stands alone. Economists use two simplified models to explain the difference: perfect competition and monopoly.


Monopolies are a good thing for society, venture capitalist Peter Thiel argues in an essay on WSJ. The PayPal co-founder joins Sara Murray to discuss his business philosophy, his take on Apple Pay, and what's a deal breaker in pitch meetings. 
                             
"Perfect competition" is considered both the ideal and the default state in Economics 101. So-called perfectly competitive markets achieve equilibrium when producer supply meets consumer demand. Every firm in a competitive market is undifferentiated and sells the same homogeneous products. Since no firm has any market power, they must all sell at whatever price the market determines. If there is money to be made, new firms will enter the market, increase supply, drive prices down and thereby eliminate the profits that attracted them in the first place. If too many firms enter the market, they'll suffer losses, some will fold, and prices will rise back to sustainable levels. Under perfect competition, in the long run no company makes an economic profit.
 
The opposite of perfect competition is monopoly. Whereas a competitive firm must sell at the market price, a monopoly owns its market, so it can set its own prices. Since it has no competition, it produces at the quantity and price combination that maximizes its profits.
To an economist, every monopoly looks the same, whether it deviously eliminates rivals, secures a license from the state or innovates its way to the top. I'm not interested in illegal bullies or government favorites: By "monopoly," I mean the kind of company that is so good at what it does that no other firm can offer a close substitute. Google is a good example of a company that went from 0 to 1: It hasn't competed in search since the early 2000s, when it definitively distanced itself from Microsoft and Yahoo!
 
Americans mythologize competition and credit it with saving us from socialist bread lines. Actually, capitalism and competition are opposites. Capitalism is premised on the accumulation of capital, but under perfect competition, all profits get competed away. The lesson for entrepreneurs is clear: If you want to create and capture lasting value, don't build an undifferentiated commodity business.
 
How much of the world is actually monopolistic? How much is truly competitive? It is hard to say because our common conversation about these matters is so confused. To the outside observer, all businesses can seem reasonably alike, so it is easy to perceive only small differences between them. But the reality is much more binary than that. There is an enormous difference between perfect competition and monopoly, and most businesses are much closer to one extreme than we commonly realize.
 
The confusion comes from a universal bias for describing market conditions in self-serving ways: Both monopolists and competitors are incentivized to bend the truth.
 
Monopolists lie to protect themselves. They know that bragging about their great monopoly invites being audited, scrutinized and attacked. Since they very much want their monopoly profits to continue unmolested, they tend to do whatever they can to conceal their monopoly—usually by exaggerating the power of their (nonexistent) competition.
                                                    
Google makes so much money that it is now worth three times more than every U.S. airline combined. Associated Press 
           
Think about how Google talks about its business. It certainly doesn't claim to be a monopoly. But is it one? Well, it depends: a monopoly in what? Let's say that Google is primarily a search engine. As of May 2014, it owns about 68% of the search market. (Its closest competitors, Microsoft and Yahoo have about 19% and 10%, respectively.) If that doesn't seem dominant enough, consider the fact that the word "google" is now an official entry in the Oxford English Dictionary—as a verb. Don't hold your breath waiting for that to happen to Bing.
 
But suppose we say that Google is primarily an advertising company. That changes things. The U.S. search-engine advertising market is $17 billion annually. Online advertising is $37 billion annually. The entire U.S. advertising market is $150 billion. And global advertising is a $495 billion market. So even if Google completely monopolized U.S. search-engine advertising, it would own just 3.4% of the global advertising market. From this angle, Google looks like a small player in a competitive world.
 
What if we frame Google as a multifaceted technology company instead? This seems reasonable enough; in addition to its search engine, Google makes dozens of other software products, not to mention robotic cars, Android phones and wearable computers. But 95% of Google's revenue comes from search advertising; its other products generated just $2.35 billion in 2012 and its consumer-tech products a mere fraction of that. Since consumer tech is a $964 billion market globally, Google owns less than 0.24% of it—a far cry from relevance, let alone monopoly. Framing itself as just another tech company allows Google to escape all sorts of unwanted attention.
 
Non-monopolists tell the opposite lie: "We're in a league of our own." Entrepreneurs are always biased to understate the scale of competition, but that is the biggest mistake a startup can make. The fatal temptation is to describe your market extremely narrowly so that you dominate it by definition.
 
Suppose you want to start a restaurant in Palo Alto that serves British food. "No one else is doing it," you might reason. "We'll own the entire market." But that is only true if the relevant market is the market for British food specifically. What if the actual market is the Palo Alto restaurant market in general? And what if all the restaurants in nearby towns are part of the relevant market as well?
 
These are hard questions, but the bigger problem is that you have an incentive not to ask them at all. When you hear that most new restaurants fail within one or two years, your instinct will be to come up with a story about how yours is different. You'll spend time trying to convince people that you are exceptional instead of seriously considering whether that is true. It would be better to pause and consider whether there are people in Palo Alto who would rather eat British food above all else. They may well not exist.
 
In 2001, my co-workers at PayPal and I would often get lunch on Castro Street in Mountain View, Calif. We had our pick of restaurants, starting with obvious categories like Indian, sushi and burgers. There were more options once we settled on a type: North Indian or South Indian, cheaper or fancier, and so on. In contrast to the competitive local restaurant market, PayPal was then the only email-based payments company in the world. We employed fewer people than the restaurants on Castro Street did, but our business was much more valuable than all those restaurants combined. Starting a new South Indian restaurant is a really hard way to make money. If you lose sight of competitive reality and focus on trivial differentiating factors—maybe you think your naan is superior because of your great-grandmother's recipe—your business is unlikely to survive.
 
The problem with a competitive business goes beyond lack of profits. Imagine you're running one of those restaurants in Mountain View. You're not that different from dozens of your competitors, so you've got to fight hard to survive. If you offer affordable food with low margins, you can probably pay employees only minimum wage. And you'll need to squeeze out every efficiency: That is why small restaurants put Grandma to work at the register and make the kids wash dishes in the back.
 
A monopoly like Google is different. Since it doesn't have to worry about competing with anyone, it has wider latitude to care about its workers, its products and its impact on the wider world. Google's motto—"Don't be evil"—is in part a branding ploy, but it is also characteristic of a kind of business that is successful enough to take ethics seriously without jeopardizing its own existence. In business, money is either an important thing or it is everything. Monopolists can afford to think about things other than making money; non-monopolists can't. In perfect competition, a business is so focused on today's margins that it can't possibly plan for a long-term future. Only one thing can allow a business to transcend the daily brute struggle for survival: monopoly profits.
 
So a monopoly is good for everyone on the inside, but what about everyone on the outside? Do outsize profits come at the expense of the rest of society? Actually, yes: Profits come out of customers' wallets, and monopolies deserve their bad reputation—but only in a world where nothing changes.
 
In a static world, a monopolist is just a rent collector. If you corner the market for something, you can jack up the price; others will have no choice but to buy from you. Think of the famous board game: Deeds are shuffled around from player to player, but the board never changes. There is no way to win by inventing a better kind of real-estate development. The relative values of the properties are fixed for all time, so all you can do is try to buy them up.
But the world we live in is dynamic: We can invent new and better things. Creative monopolists give customers more choices by adding entirely new categories of abundance to the world. Creative monopolies aren't just good for the rest of society; they're powerful engines for making it better.
 
Even the government knows this: That is why one of its departments works hard to create monopolies (by granting patents to new inventions) even though another part hunts them down (by prosecuting antitrust cases). It is possible to question whether anyone should really be awarded a monopoly simply for having been the first to think of something like a mobile software design. But something like Apple monopoly profits from designing, producing and marketing the iPhone were clearly the reward for creating greater abundance, not artificial scarcity: Customers were happy to finally have the choice of paying high prices to get a smartphone that actually works. The dynamism of new monopolies itself explains why old monopolies don't strangle innovation. With Apple's iOS at the forefront, the rise of mobile computing has dramatically reduced Microsoft's decadeslong operating system dominance.
Before that, IBM and ATT had a monopoly on telephone service for most of the 20th century, but now anyone can get a cheap cellphone plan from any number of providers. If the tendency of monopoly businesses was to hold back progress, they would be dangerous, and we'd be right to oppose them. But the history of progress is a history of better monopoly businesses replacing incumbents. Monopolies drive progress because the promise of years or even decades of monopoly profits provides a powerful incentive to innovate. Then monopolies can keep innovating because profits enable them to make the long-term plans and finance the ambitious research projects that firms locked in competition can't dream of.
 
So why are economists obsessed with competition as an ideal state? It is a relic of history. Economists copied their mathematics from the work of 19th-century physicists: They see individuals and businesses as interchangeable atoms, not as unique creators. Their theories describe an equilibrium state of perfect competition because that is what's easy to model, not because it represents the best of business. But the long-run equilibrium predicted by 19th-century physics was a state in which all energy is evenly distributed and everything comes to rest—also known as the heat death of the universe. Whatever your views on thermodynamics, it is a powerful metaphor. In business, equilibrium means stasis, and stasis means death. If your industry is in a competitive equilibrium, the death of your business won't matter to the world; some other undifferentiated competitor will always be ready to take your place.
 
Perfect equilibrium may describe the void that is most of the universe. It may even characterize many businesses. But every new creation takes place far from equilibrium. In the real world outside economic theory, every business is successful exactly to the extent that it does something others cannot. Monopoly is therefore not a pathology or an exception. Monopoly is the condition of every successful business.
 
Tolstoy famously opens "Anna Karenina" by observing: "All happy families are alike; each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way." Business is the opposite. All happy companies are different: Each one earns a monopoly by solving a unique problem. All failed companies are the same: They failed to escape competition.
 
Adapted from Mr. Thiel's new book, with Blake Masters, "Zero to One: Notes on Startups, or How to Build the Future," which will be published by Crown Business on Sept. 16. Mr. Thiel co-founded PayPal and Palantir and made the first outside investment in Facebook.



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